This is a Official RC thread for CAT , GMAT , XAT , IIFT and related management entrances. There was a huge schism in the pagalguy forum and was devoid of good RCs. This thread would enhance the reading speed and comprehension. Moreover , this would faciliate greater levels of logical deductions of the passages. All the puys are requested to post and help each other in creating a symbiotic relation 😃
RC difficulty level : moderate
DNA degrades quickly after an animal dies, so researchers once believed it impossible to find ancient genetic material. The search for primeval vestiges of DNA took off in the late 1980s after the development of a technique called polymerase chain reaction (PCR), which copies minute quantities of DNA. Armed with PCR, scientists could look for tiny fragments of DNA that might have weathered the millennia unharmed.
In recent years, researchers have isolated DNA from 20-million-yearold magnolia leaves and extracted DNA from a 135-million-year-old weevil found in amber. Recently, a team extract DNA from bone dating back millions of years for the first time. In the frenzied hunt for ancient DNA, microbiologist Scott R. Woodward may have bagged the biggest quarry. Drawing on lessons learned while growing up among the fossilrich rocks of eastern Utah, Woodward and his team became the first people to find genetic material belonging to a dinosaur.
Woodward, whose grandfather was a coal miner, knew that mines in the area often contained dinosaur traces. After six months of looking Woodward pulled two bone fragments from a Cretaceous siltstone layer directly atop a coal seam. Impeded by an unstable mine roof, Woodward's team could not recover any more bone samples. The siltstone apparently inhibited fossilization and preserved much of the original cell structure in the bone. Researchers isolated strands of DNA from both fragments and used PCR to copy a segment that codes for a protein called cytochrome b. Once they had made many copies, they could determine the DNA sequence.
Throughout their work, the biologists took precautions to avoid contaminating the samples with modern DNA or ancient material found within the coal. According to Woodward, circumstantial evidence indicates that the bone fragments belong to one or two species of dinosaurs. Dinosaur tracks are abundant in this coal formation, and the bones visible in the mine were larger than those of a crocodile-the biggest nondinosaur known in these rocks. Woodward explains variation found in the DNA as a result of damage to the ancient DNA, which caused the PCR technique to alter the original sequence. Scientists had hoped to use the DNA to resolve debate about the relationship among birds, dinosaurs, and other reptiles. But the cytochrome b fragments were too short to offer meaningful phylogenetic information, says Woodward. Utah's state palaeontologist believes that the fragments found by Woodward could definitely be dinosaur in origin. Other researchers, however, question the identity of the DNA strands. Because the copies of the cytochrome b sequence varied considerably, they wonder whether the DNA comes from several organisms.
1. Researchers who believe that the DNA isolated by Woodward did not come from a dinosaur would most likely use which of the following discoveries as support?
A. Damage to the dinosaur DNA causes the PCR technique to alter the original sequence.
B. Comparison of the discovered DNA with that of modern DNA reveals a variation in sequence.
C. Birds, dinosaurs, and reptiles have no phylogenetic relationship.
D. The cytochrome b sequence comprises DNA from several different animals.
E. DNA cannot survive for such long periods of time
2. The passage suggests that researchers continue to look for dinosaur DNA because:
A. the DNA found by Woodward derived from several different species.
B. the amount of DNA retrieved was too small to copy using PCR.
C. the DNA fragments produced by PCR were too insignificant to determine substantial information about bird, dinosaur, and reptile phylogeny.
D. the sites where Woodward excavated had never been highly populated with dinosaurs.
E. they were hoping they might chance upon the DNA of a different dinosaur
3. The findings of Woodward are by no means universally accepted. Which of the following findings, if true, would MOST contradict the researchers who question the identity of Woodward's dinosaur DNA?
A. Variations in the cytochrome b sequence of Woodward's DNA have been directly linked to hybrid DNA.
B. Carbon dating proved that the bone fragments retrieved by Woodward were from the Cretaceous era.
C. More elaborate PCR traced the cytochrome b sequence in Woodward's sample to one species of dinosaur.
D. Utah's state palaeontologist confirmed that dinosaurs were abundant in the areas where the researchers excavated.
E. An independent study reported that the DNA discovered by Woodward in fact belongs to a hen
#2
With the explosion of the technology industry in the late 1990s, the US ushered in the so-called ―new economy.‖ Based largely on speculation and a ―cash in‖ mentality, the new economy bustled along until the bottom fell out and it came crashing back to earth. But what set the stage for this collapse to happen was put into motion years earlier.
The growth of productivity is defined as the rate of growth in product less the rate of growth in the labour used in production. Productivity can be affected by factors such as: amount of capital invested in production, methods used in production, educational or demographic composition of the labour force, business climate, global competition, and cost of environmental and safety regulations. Capital investment was booming in the U.S. in the post-1995 period. Furthermore, that part of capital invested in information technology, including computers, software, and communications equipment, rose to more than fifty times what it had been in 1975. Because of its high gross rate of return in improving methods of production, capital investment in information technology should have a particularly large impact on overall productivity.
For the past five years the big news for the U.S. economy has been a noticeable productivity growth spurt, which many have attributed to new information and communication technologies. The rate of growth in U.S. productivity had not been so high since the period extending from the end of World War II through the 1960s. In the early 1970s, productivity growth dropped suddenly. Apart from normal cyclical movements low productivity growth continued until the mid-1990s. Then, performance of the U.S. economy accelerated to a truly extraordinary level. From 1995 to 1999 real gross domestic product grew at an average rate of about 4 percent per year, and the rate of growth in labour productivity returned to the pre-1970 rate of increase.
The revolution in technology is, at least in some sense, a worldwide phenomenon. Therefore, one would expect the recent trend in the rate of growth in productivity in the U.S. to be shared by other developed countries. However, marked differences exist. Although the U.S. had the lowest rate of overall productivity growth in the 1981-95 period, in the post-1995 period the U.S. rate of productivity rose to third among the countries, behind only Ireland and Australia. In several other developed countries, including France, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and Spain, overall productivity growth slowed quite sharply.
The questions then arise: Why are these trends in productivity growth so different; and does this difference illuminate anything about the role of the new technologies? Regression analysis of the rate of growth in productivity in each of these countries in the late 1990s, both as a function of the country's share of spending devoted to information technology and as a function of its number of internet servers, reveals a positive correlation that passes the test for statistical significance. Therefore, with due deference to the problems of international comparison, the data appears to reinforce the view that utilization of the new technologies has been important in raising productivity in the U.S. in recent years.
1. According to the passage, a resurgence in productivity occurred in: I. the U.S. in the late 1990s. II. Ireland in the late 1990s. III. developed countries other than the U.S. in the 1981-95 period.
A. I only
B. II only
C. III only
D. I, II, and III
E. I and II only
2. If the passage were to continue, the next topic the author would discuss would most probably be:
A. what factors caused the drop in the growth of U.S. productivity in the early 1970s. B. what factors prevented the productivity growth spurt in the U.S. from continuing.
C. the relative importance of other factors in fostering productivity growth in the U.S.
D. why different developed countries invested different shares of total spending on capital investment in new technologies.
E. what will happen to productivity growth in the US in the next five years
3. In paragraph 2, the author is primarily concerned with:
A. defining productivity and identifying the types of factors that can affect its growth.
B. noting a correlation between a peak in capital investment and a peak in the growth of productivity.
C. emphasizing the impact of the amount of capital invested on the degree of improvement in methods used for production.
D. introducing a explanation that will then be tested by further investigation.
E. criticise an explanation that was later proved correct
@amanbharti @aimonlyiim @shawshanks @Highway66 @sav-9 @optimus_blade This thread might be helpful for you puys will upload atmost 3 RCs on a regular basis. Your contribution will buttress this thread 😃
#3
Boccaccio's donnée is of an upper-class milieu where girls and young men can meet socially at ease and move-thanks to wealth-out of plaguestricken Florence. In fact, it daringly reverses the standard form of morality, well summed up nearly contemporaneously by Traini's famous Triumph of Death fresco in the Campo Santo at Pisa. There, an upperclass, amorous, hedonistic group of young people is depicted as doomed to die. Boccaccio's group consists very much of stylish survivors
. The code of behaviour they assume and also promulgate is impressively liberal, civilized and un-prudish. Seven girls who have met by chance at Mass at Santa Maria Novella plan their adventure and then co-opt three young men who happen to enter the church. The three are already known to them, but it is the girls who take the initiative, in a tactful, well-bred way, making it clear from the start that this is no invitation to rape. One has only to try to imagine Victorian girls-in fiction or in fact-behaving with such a degree of sophistication to see that society by no means advances century by century. Boccaccio is a highly complex personality who, like many another writer, may have felt that his most famous work was not his best. But the Decameron became famous early on, and was avidly read and frequently translated throughout Europe.
The Decameron is a thoroughly Florentine book and a thoroughly social one, down to its structure. After the poetry of the Divine Comedy, it is very much prose, in every way. It glories in being undidactic, entertaining and openly-though by no means totally-scabrous. Eventually it shocked and frightened its creator, who thus unwittingly or not recognized the force of its literary power. He repented and turned moralist and academic, leaving Florence for the small Tuscan town of Certaldo where he had probably been born and where in 1375 he died.
Part of his religious repentance was perhaps expressed by commissioning two altarpieces (sadly, not extant) for a local church. Whatever the medievalism enshrined in the Divine Comedy, the Decameron speaks for a robustly changed, relaxed vision, one set firmly upon earth. It is the opposite of lonely and ecstatic. It is a vision closer to that of Canterbury Tales than to the spiritual one of Piers Plowman.
It has female protagonists who seem mundane if not precisely modern compared with the real women mystics and saints of central Italy of a few generations before, women whose fierce, intense, sometimes horrifyingly palpable and semi-erotic visions read like real-life cantos from Dante's poem. No doubt Boccaccio has idealized a little, but he puts forward a calm, sane case for freedom and humour and good manners between the sexes which, however palely, foreshadows the Shakespearean world of Beatrice and Benedick.
The theme of the stories his group exchange is human behaviour-often as it is manifested under the pressure of lust or love. But the group is also shown indulging in chess and music and dancing (even bathing though separated by sex). The ladies frequently laugh and occasionally 5 10 15 45 40 35 30 25 20 182 www.aristotleprep.com blush, while never losing their self-possession and their implicit command of the situation.
That the diversions of the Decameron are set brightly against the gruesome darkness of the Black Death is effective and also realistic. The plague is seen working psychologically as well as physically, horribly corrupting manners and morals, in addition to destroying life. Diversion and escape seem not frivolous but prudent, especially when provided by a pleasantly sited, well-stocked villa outside Florence, with amenities that extend to agreeable pictures in its rooms.
1. Which of the following statements best summarizes the author's opinion in the passage regarding Boccaccio's view of his own work?
A. Boccaccio held more regard for the Decameron than for his later works.
B. Boccaccio was later dismayed but nonetheless convinced by the literary power of the Decameron.
C. Boccaccio felt that Dante was a literary figure worthy of high regard.
D. Boccaccio was heartened that the Decameron was avidly read and translated.
E. Boccaccio was overly critical of his own work
2. According to the author, the Decameron differs markedly from its Italian predecessor The Divine Comedy. From the information presented in the passage, which of the following statements can the reader NOT assume about The Divine Comedy?
A. It is written in poetic verse.
B. It is set in Florence.
C. It is written in a didactic style.
D. None of these
3. The contrast of Boccaccio's heroines to Victorian girls is noted in paragraph 2 to support all of the following conclusions EXCEPT:
A. an age of liberalism of thought and action went into decline with the Victorian era.
B. society advances in a logical progression from century to century. C. Boccaccio's heroines display a seemingly anachronistic amount of courage and practicality.
D. the Decameron's sophisticated interaction between the sexes foreshadowed that of Shakespeare's plays.
E. advances in society can happen in a random manner
The Metamorphosis is so canonical, it's hard to offer an honest (or an interesting) review. A story like this one especially, which is loaded with bizarre props in an otherwise realistic story, drives academic types to hunt hard for symbolism. The endnotes to the story contain the most tedious sorts of observations, whether offering strong hints that it's an allegorical story (the business with the father throwing apples at Gregor), or the cultural symbolism of open or closed doors and windows, or dreary notes on technique (the three boarders are indistinguishable, which cleverly adds to the spookiness of the story (sorry, if I saw it used in Bugs Bunny, then I refuse to be awestruck). It may all be true even, but although Kafka is careful about the mood he builds, the purpose of the story isn't quite that mind-boggling. Importantly, the story holds up just fine as a story. It's more an odd exhibit to be appreciated than it is a puzzle to be solved, and Kafka manages to evoke emotions and convey scenery with economy and skill, and on the basic level, here's one that doesn't shy from being read and enjoyed.
I'm sure that any pointy-headed academic would be the first to tell you that the sturdy storytelling is part of what makes this story so beguiling (and here I start off on my own wacky over analysis). The style holds up against, and cleverly contrasts, the giant absurdity of the premise. Kafka avoids in his own language, as does Gregor himself, the predictable hysteria that would surround the appearance of a gigantic insect in Gregor's bed one morning. Gregor has transformed into the insect. His bugginess is by no means ignored, but there is, in places you'd otherwise expect it, a big, beetle-shaped hole in the exposition. (It's a shame sometimes what breaks through into the vernacular. Wouldn't a cockroach upstairs be more evocative than proverbial family-room pachyderms?) It's a different sort of balancing act than Robbins was into, one that gets the very structure of the narrative up onto the tightrope with everything else.
And as much as I hate to dig into the comparative meaning of everything here, Kafka does choose his language with precision. The opening, "as Gregor Samsa awoke from unsettling dreams" sets up his contrasting views splendidly. It's not just an opposition between the concrete prose and absurd circumstances, there's a deep division at work here between the intellectual (or realist) and emotional planes. Gregor is the thinker of the story, approaching his new body with (quite obtuse) rationalism. How will he open the door, he thinks, how will he explain to his boss that he's late? He's the character that is shown trying (and failing) to express himself with reason instead of the predictable alarm. But Gregor's every action is verminous, and without his point of view, would only be seen as mindless: he exudes filth and craves garbage, scuttles about the ceiling and stuffs himself into dark places. To his family, he hisses uncontrollably in anger, and creeps around stealthily surprising their conversations. The people in the story act, by contrast, emotional and un-intellectual when confronted with the monstrous Gregor. Their actions are all expected and natural, but Kafka robs them of their reason in the face of horror. Kafka pulls all sorts of switcheroos with these dichotomies, playing with Gregor's empathy (much stronger than his family's, though his sister shows glimmers of it), with physical strength (Gregor's and his father's waxes and wanes), and morality.
1. Which of the following would best describe Gregor's actions?
(a) He acts like a disobedient family member.
(b) He expresses himself rationally.
(c) His behaviour is similar to that of a pest.
(d) He succeeds in gaining the empathy of his family.
2. The author would agree with which of the following?
(a) The Metamorphosis is a story skillfully woven by Kafka with incidents, which drive home the point that it is an allegorical story with subtle symbolism.
(b) The Metamorphosis is an example of an allegorical story, which confounds academicians and aims to pose a conundrum for the readers.
(c) The Metamorphosis, by Kafka, is a skillfully told story with bizarre props and tedious notes, which provoke academicians to hunt for allegories or symbolism in it.
(d) The Metamorphosis aims to confound readers and academicians alike with bizarre props and allegorical incidents in an otherwise realistic story.
3. Which of the following can be inferred from the passage?
A. The way the story is narrated when contrasted with the absurdity of the plot leads to an impression of trickery.
B. Gregor shows an absolute disregard for reason when he finds himself transformed into an insect.
C. Gregor's family members show more maturity and reason as compared to Gregor after his transformations.
(a) Only A (b) A and B (c) A and C (d) B and C
Note: The passage is long and there are 9 questions, but I'm sure the discussion will be worth it.
In reaction to a rigid, overrefined classical curriculum, some educational philosophers have swung sharply to an espousal of "life experience" as the sole source of learning. Using their narrow interpretation of John Dewey's theories for support and spouting such phrases as "Teach the child, not the subject," they demand an end to rigorous study and insist that only through doing can learning take place. While not all adherents to this philosophy would totally eliminate the study of great books, the gradual subordination of literature in the school curriculum reflects their influence. What is the purpose of literature? Why read if life alone is to be our teacher? James Joyce tells us that the artist reveals the human condition by re-creating life out of life; Aristotle, that art presents universal truths because its form is taken from nature. Thus, consciously or otherwise, great writers extend our understanding of ourselves and our world. We can soar with them to the heights of aspiration or plummet with them to the depths of despair. How much wider is the understanding we gain from reading than from viewing life through the keyhole of our individual experience. This function of literature, the enlarging of our life sphere, is of major importance in itself. Additionally, however, literature suggests solutions to social problems. The overweening ambitions of political leaders-and their sneering contempt for the law-did not appear for the first time in the writings of Bernstein and Woodward. The problems and behavior of the guilt-ridden did not await the appearance of the bearded psychoanalysts of the nineteenth century. Federal Judge Learned Hand wrote, "I venture to believe that it is as important to a judge called upon to pass on a question of constitutional law, to have at least a bowing acquaintance with Thucydides, Gibbon, and Carlyle, with Homer, Dante, Shakespeare, and Milton, with Montaigne and Rabelais, with Plato, Bacon, Hume, and Kant, as with the books which have been specifically written on the subject. For in such matters everything turns upon the spirit in which he approaches the questions before him." How do we overcome our dissenter? We must start with the field of agreement: the belief that education should serve to improve the individual and society. We must persuade our dissenters that the voices of human experience stretch our human faculties and open us to learning. We must convince them of the unity of life and art. We must prove to them that far from being separate, literature is that part of life that illumines life.
1. The primary purpose of the passage is to
(A) list the writers who make up the backbone of a great literature curriculum
(B) explain the function of literature
(C) advocate the adoption of a new philosophy of education
(D) plead for the retention of great literature as a fundamental part of the school curriculum
(E) overcome the opposition of Dewey's followers to the inclusion of contemporary literature in the curriculum
2. It can be inferred from the passage that the author considers those who believe in "'life experience' as the sole source of learning" (line 3) to be
(A) practical
(B) progressive
(C) misguided
(D) inflexible
(E) ignorant
3. Based on the information in the passage, with which of the following statements about education would John Dewey be most likely to agree?
(A) Education should be a continuous reconstruction of living experience, with the child the center of concern.
(B) Education is the imparting of knowledge, not the drawing out of what is already in the child.
(C) Though rigid, the classical curriculum has served us well for centuries and should be restored.
(D) The purpose of education is to correct the inequalities brought about by the rise of civilization.
(E) Children should be taught only the skills and knowledge they need to get ahead.
4. The author implies that children who learn exclusively by doing are likely to
(A) be good problem solvers but poor judges
(B) be more guilt-ridden than those who learn both by doing and reading
(C) have below-average reading skills
(D) believe that art has nothing to do with life
(E) have a myopic view of themselves and the world
5. Which of the following best describes the organization of the third paragraph of the passage?
(A) An idea is reiterated, a new idea is introduced, and two supporting examples are given.
(B) The preceding paragraph is summarized and conclusions are drawn.
(C) A new idea is introduced, the idea is qualified, and the implications of the idea are analyzed.
(D) The main idea of the preceding paragraph is restated, and evidence is given to support it.
(E) Two functions of literature are identified, and an example of each is given.
6. The author quotes Judge Learned Hand (lines 32-41 primarily in order to
(A) call attention to the writing of Thucydides and Carlyle
(B) support the point that literature broadens the reader's understanding
(C) point out that constitutional law is a part of the great literature of the past
(D) show that everyone, including judges, enjoys reading
(E) give specific examples of writers who have suggested solutions to social problems
7. Which of the following could best be substituted for the words "the subject" (line 39) in the quotation from Judge Hand without altering the meaning of the quotation?
(A) The question of constitutional law before the judge
(B) The contempt of political leaders for the law
(C) Social problems
(D) The liberal arts, specifically history, literature, and philosophy
(E) The human condition
8. The passage supplies information to suggest that the author and the educational philosophers mentioned in the first paragraph would agree that
(A) learning is the key to adaptability in an ever-changing environment
(B) the traditional classroom should be transformed into a learning laboratory
(C) the purpose of education is to improve society as well as the individual
(D) one must know history in order to understand the present and the future
(E) the primary aim of education is the transmission of culture
9. It can be inferred from the passage that the author makes which of the following assumptions about his readers?
(A) They believe that schools should reflect society.
(B) They believe that the subject, not the child, should be taught.
(C) They favor a return to the classical curriculum.
(D) They share his view that the study of great books is essential to education.
(E) They believe that only through reading can learning take place.
RCprep:
Since Second World War, the nation state has been regarded with approval by every political system and every ideology. In the name of modernization in the West, of socialism in the Eastern Bloc, and of the development in the Third World, it was expected to guarantee the happiness of individuals as citizens and of people as societies. However, the state today appears to have broken down in many parts of the world. It has failed to guarantee either security or social justice, and has been unable to prevent either international wars or civil wars. Distributed by the claims of communities within it, the nation state tries to repress their demands and to proclaim itself as the only guarantor of security of all. In the name of national unity, territorial integrity, equality of all its citizens and non-partisan secularism, the state can use its powerful resources to reject the demands of the communities; it may even go so far as genocide to ensure that order prevails. As one observes the awakening of communities in different parts of the world, one cannot ignore the context in which identity issues arise. It is no longer a context of sealed frontiers and isolated regions but is one of the integrated global systems. In a reaction to this trend towards globalization, individuals and communities everywhere are voicing their desire to exist, to use their power of creation and to play an active part in national and international life. There are two ways in which the current upsurge in demands for the recognition of identities can be looked at. On the positive side, the efforts by certain population groups to assert their identity can be regarded as a 'liberation movements' , challenging oppression and injustice. What these groups are doing €" proclaiming that they are different, rediscovering the roots of their culture or strengthening group solidarity €" may accordingly be seen as legitimate attempts to escape from their state of subjugation and enjoy a certain measure of dignity. On the downside, however, militant action for recognition tends to make such groups more deeply entrenched in their attitude and to make their cultural compartments even more watertight. The assertion of identity then starts turning into self-absorption and isolation, and is liable to slide into intolerance of others and towards ideas of "ethnic cleansing", xenophobia and violence. Whereas continuous variations among people prevent drawing of clear dividing lines between the groups, those militating for recognition of their group's identity arbitrarily choose a limited number of criteria such as religion, language, skin colour, and place of origin so that their members recognize themselves primarily in terms of the labels attached to the group whose existence is being asserted . This distinction between the group in question and other groups is established by simplifying the feature selected. Simplification also works by transforming groups into essences, abstractions endowed with the capacity to remain unchanged through time. In some cases, people actually act as though the group has remained unchanged and talk, for example, about the history of nations and communities as if these entities survived for centuries without changing, with the same ways of acting and thinking, the same desires, anxieties, and aspirations. Paradoxically, precisely because identity represents a simplifying fiction, creating uniform groups out of disparate people, that identity performs a cognitive function. It enables us to put names to ourselves and others, form some idea of who we are and who others are, and ascertain the place we occupy along with the others in the world and society. The current upsurge to assert the identity of groups can thus be partly explained by the cognitive function performed by identity. However, that said, people would not go along as they do, often in large numbers, with the propositions put to them, in spite of the sacrifices they entail, if there was not a very strong feeling of need for identity, a need to take stock of things and know "who we are", "where we come from" and "where we are going". Identity is thus a necessity in a constantly changing world, but it can also be a potent source of violence and disruption. How can these two contradictory aspects of identity be reconciled? First, we must bear the arbitrary nature of identity categories in mind, not with a view to eliminating all forms of identification €" which would be unrealistic since identity is a cognitive necessity €" but simply to remind ourselves that each of us has several identities at the same time. Second, since tears of nostalgia are being shed over the past, we recognize that culture is constantly being recreated by cobbling together fresh and original elements and counter-cultures. There are in our own country a large number of syncretic cults wherein modern elements are blended with traditional values or people of different communities venerate saints or divinities of particular faiths. Such cults and movements are characterized by a continual inflow and outflow of members which prevent them from taking on a self-perpetuating existence of their own and hold our hope for the future, indeed, perhaps for the only possible future. Finally, the nation state must respond to the identity urges of its constituent communities and to their legitimate quest for security and social justice. It must do so by inventing what the French philosopher and sociologist, Raymond Aron, called "peace through law". That would guarantee justice both to the state as a whole and its parts, and respect the claims of both reason and emotions. The problem is one of reconciling nationalist demands with exercise of democracy.
Questions:
1. According to the author, happiness of individuals was
expected to be guaranteed in the name of
(A) development in the Third World.
(B) socialism in the Third World.
(C) development in the West.
(D) modernization in the Eastern Bloc.
(E) -----
2. Demands for recognition of identities can be viewed
(A) positively and negatively.
(B) as liberation movements and militant action.
(C) as efforts to rediscover cultural roots which can slide towards
intolerance of others.
(D) All of the above
(E) -----
3. Going by the author €™s exposition of the nature of identity, which of the
following statements is untrue?
(A) Identity represents creating uniform groups out of disparate
people.
(B) Identity is a necessity in the changing world.
(C) Identity is a cognitive necessity.
(D) None of the above
(E) -----
4. According to the author, the nation state
(A) has fulfilled its potential.
(B) is willing to do anything to preserve order.
(C) generates security for all its citizens.
(D) has been a major force in preventing civil and international
wars.
(E) -----
5. Which of the following views of the nation state cannot be attributed to the
author?
(A) It has not guaranteed peace and security.
(B) It may go as far as genocide for self-preservation.
(C) It represents the demands of communities within it.
(D) It is unable to prevent international wars.
(E) -----
The palette of sights and sounds that reach the conscious mind are not neutral perceptions that people then evaluate: they come with a value already tacked onto them by the brain's processing mechanisms. Tests show that these evaluations are immediate and unconscious and applied even to things people have never encountered before, like nonsense words: ―juvalamu‖ is intensely pleasing and ―lumbar‖ moderately so, but ―chakaka‖ is loathed by English-speakers. These conclusion come from psychologists who have developed a test for measuring the likes and dislikes created in the moment of perceiving a word, sound or picture. The findings, if confirmed, have possibly unsettling implications for people's ability to think and behave objectively. This is all part of preconscious processing, the mind's perception and organization of information that goes on before it reaches awareness-these judgments are lightning fast in the first moment of contact between the world and the mind.
Some scientists disagree with the claim that virtually every perception carries with it an automatic judgment, though they, too, find that such evaluations are made in many circumstances. These scientists believe that people don't have automatic attitudes for everything, but rather, for areas of interest.
In responding to a stimulus, a signal most likely travels first to the verbal cortex, then to the amygdala, where the effect is added, and then back. The circuitry involved can do all this in a matter of a hundred milliseconds or so, long before there is conscious awareness of the word. This creates an initial predisposition that gets things off on a positive or negative footing. These reactions have the power to largely determine the course of a social interaction by defining the psychological reality of the situation from the start.
The ―quick-and-dirty‖ judgment tends to be more predictive of how people actually behave than is their conscious reflection on the topic. This may represent a new, more subtle tool for research on people's attitudes, allowing scientists to assess what people feel without their having any idea of what exactly is being tested. You could detect socially sensitive attitudes people are reluctant to admit, like ethnic biases because these automatic judgments occur outside a person's awareness, as part of an initial perception. They are trusted in the same way senses are trusted, not realizing that seemingly neutral first perceptions are already biased.
Conclusions from both camps are based on a method that allows them to detect subtle evaluations made within the first 250 milliseconds-a quarter of a second-of perception of words. The measurement of liking can be made outside the person's awareness because if the first word is presented in less than a quarter of a second the reaction to it never registers in consciousness, though it can still be read.
1. According to the passage and with regards to words like bargulum, juvalamu, and chakaka, ―preconscious processing‖ (line 14-15) would most influence which of the following?
A. Subconscious memories concerning traumatic childhood events B. Perception of a stranger on first sighting
C. Formulation of arguments after intense research
D. Thought processes involved in creating an intricate novel
E. Reuniting with one's children after a long trip overseas
2. Scientists that disagree with the idea that humans place a value on all perceptions would most likely agree with which of the following statements?
A. Most perceptions receive a value due to a familiarity with the stimulus.
B. The mind cannot possibly interpret information in an interval as short as a quarter of a second.
C. Preconscious processing would have no effect on behavior patterns.
D. The senses are not used when placing a value on stimuli presented during an experiment.
E. Some perceptions are too valuable to actually put a value on
3. Based on information in the passage, in the author's view, which of the following statements is NOT true?
A. Information regarding external stimuli is processed so quickly that it does not become part of our conscious awareness.
B. Automatic judgments occur on stimuli with which there is great familiarity.
C. Nonsense words have little or no effect on a person's mood.
D. Ethnic biases may be influenced by attitudes of which we are unaware.
E. The measurement of liking could be made outside of a person's awareness
The recent centennial of the founding of the American Historical Association has given historians a properly historical reason for considering the present state of their discipline. The profession's introspectionist analysis may be said to have begun a few years ago with the publication of The Past Before Us: Contemporary Historical Writing in the United States, an upbeat and self-congratulatory volume intended by the sponsoring AHA as a demonstration of ―state of the art‖ historiography. Introducing this volume, editor Michael Kammen stated that after a changing of the guard in the 1970s, the professional historical community is mainly concerned with questions of social history, intergenerational conflict, and human responses to structures of power. Having repudiated the basic commitments to nationalism and the ideal of scholarly detachment that had always sustained historical writing in the United States, professional historians found themselves-not surprisingly, one might add-cut off from their cultural environment. That this situation is markedly different from the formative period of historical scholarship can be seen in centennial numbers of the American Historical Review, the most recent expression of the profession's reflective tendency, which have explored the nature of historical thinking at the time of the association's founding a century ago. What has been all but ignored in these official efforts at intellectual stocktaking is the enduring body of historical writing produced by American scholars between the end of the founding period in the early twentieth century and the onset of the excitement of the 1970s. Perhaps it is the thoroughness with which scholars have for two decades described the shift from progressive consensus to New Left history that accounts for this neglect. Whatever its reason, however, the oversight is fortunately rectified by the appearance of an ―unofficial‖ volume on American historiography, Twentieth-Century American Historians which describes an approach to history that reminds us that until very recently history faithfully maintained its literary orientation and narrative character. It is a bit astonishing to learn that historians like Douglas Southall Freeman were nationally known figures whose books sold in the hundreds of thousands. It is instructive to recall that several of the most widely read and influential writers of history, such as Allan Nevins, Claude G. Bowers, and James Truslow Adams, possessed no formal historical training. And it is heartening to read of a time when, despite its academic institutional setting, cultural alienation was not asserted as a sign of intellectual sophistication and certification. Although by no means uncritical, the authors of the essays in Twentieth-Century American Historians have approached their subject with an attitude of respectful admiration for the accomplishments of their intellectual mentors. It is unusual, moreover, to find in contemporary scholarship the open-mindedness to conservative points of view, and immunity to orthodox liberal assumptions, that inform this volume.
1. If the claims made in the passage are correct, how would contemporary historians of the American Historical Association be expected to respond to a work that provides a nationalistic interpretation of American history?
A. They would probably embrace it because it reflects the New Left approach to American history.
B. They would probably embrace it because it appeals to their sense of national pride.
C. They would probably denounce it because it conflicts with their philosophical orientation.
D. They would probably denounce it because it violates the principle of scholarly objectivity.
E. They would be indifferent to such a work because it has no connection with their beliefs
2. Based on information in the passage, which of the following statements in NOT true?
A. Contemporary historians have largely overlooked the scholarly contributions of historians who published in the early decades of this century.
B. Contemporary historians are generally less interested in economic history than social history.
C. Contemporary historians are generally not receptive to conservative interpretations of history.
D. Contemporary historians have usually closely analysed the works of earlier historians such as Allan Nevins, Claude G. Bowers, and James Truslow Adams.
E. Twentieth-Century American Historians is not an officially sanctioned historical work
3. Which of the following assertions would most strengthen the author's claim that many contemporary historians are ―cut off from their cultural environment‖ (line 19)?
A. They are very familiar with the writings of earlier historians like James Truslow Adams.
B. The only people who read their books are other professional historians.
C. They are criticized by the authors of essays in Twentieth-Century American Historians.
D. Their intellectual sophistication has made them receptive to the conservative perspective
E. Some contemporary historians don't actively participate in cultural events
Astrophysicists wrestling with the study of a new kind of star, the flat, "two-dimensional" configurations known as accretion disks have recently gained new insights into the behavior of these stars. Accretion disks exist in a variety of situations where matters swirl around a compact star such as a white dwarf star or a neutron star. Accretion disks are also suspected of playing a part in more exotic situations, in which the central object is imagined to be a supermassive black hole, the ultimate form of collapsed matter, rather than a compact star. The modeling of accretion disks is still in its infancy, a situation analogous to the days when ordinary stars were modeled by using elementary scaling laws without benefit of knowledge of the nuclear processes that power the stars. Similarly, the basic physics of the power by which accretion disks radiate, thought to originate in a form of turbulent friction, is known only at the crudest level. Accretion disks were first defined in the context of Cataclysmic variables. In these systems, matter from the outer layers of an ordinary star is attracted by the gravitational influence of a nearby orbiting white dwarf star, the matter lost from the ordinary star cannot strike the surface of the tiny white dwarf directly but settles into an orbit around the star. The viscosity in the disk thus formed causes heating, radiation, and a slow spiraling of disk matter onto the surface of the white dwarf. The rapid advances made in x-ray astronomy in the past decade have identified a second type of system in which accretion disks occur. In such a system, an accretion disk whirls about a neutron star rather than a white dwarf. The inner reaches of the accretion disk extend deeply into the gravitational potential of the neutron star where very rapid motion is the rule. The energy released by friction and the actual raining of the material from the disk onto the surface of the neutron star is so great that radiation is given off in a powerful flood of x-rays. And in at least one case, x-ray astronomers believe that the object in the center of an accretion disk is a black hole, suggesting that a third system may exist. It had been assumed that portions of accretion disks would be unstable and that, as a result, clumping of their matter into rings would occur. There is no evidence from observation, however, that accretion disks do, in fact, suffer from these instabilities. In recent work, Abramowicz has shown that added gravitational effects due to general relativity may alter the expected Newtonian gravitational relationships in such a way that the disk remains stable, indicating that it is possible that these predicted instabilities do not occur. Further progress toward understanding accretion disks will involve defining and proposing solutions to restricted problems just as was done in this case and was done and continues to be done for ordinary stars. Abramowicz' work is a valuable example of the care that must be taken before reaching conclusions regarding accretion disks
1. The author of the passage is primarily concerned with
(A) comparing Abramowicz' work to the work of earlier astrophysicists
(B) providing information about accretion disks and discussing significant new work
(C) defining the conditions under which accretion disks can be observed
(D) exploring the question of whether a black hole can ever be the central object of an accretion disk
(E) describing the phenomenon of accretion disks and reviewing several conflicting theories of their origins
2. It can be inferred from the passage that predictions of the instability of accretion disks were based on which of the following? (A) A calculation of the probable effects of standard Newtonian gravitational relationships
(B) A calculation of the probable relationship between general relativity and standard Newtonian gravitational relationships
(C) A calculation of the energy released by friction within a compact star
(D) Observation of the x-rays radiated by compact stars
(E) Observation of the clumping of accretion disk matter into rings around compact stars
3. The author's attitude toward Abramowicz' work can best be described as one of
(A) uncertain approval
(B) unqualified respect
(C) mild interest
(D) careful dismissal
(E) hostile skepticism
4. The passage suggests which of the following about current scientific knowledge of the nuclear processes of ordinary stars?
(A) Its pattern of development has been analogous to that of developments in x-ray astronomy.
(B) Its role in the explanation of turbulent friction has been significant.
(C) It has contributed to a more accurate modeling of ordinary stars.
(D) It lags behind knowledge of scaling laws.
(E) It explains the behavior of accretion disks as well as that of ordinary stars.
5. The passage suggests that Abramowicz' work was motivated by which of the following assumptions?
(A) The quantity of energy released by accretion disks can be as large as it is only if the disks are stable.
(B) Improved techniques in x-ray astronomy would reveal any instabilities occurring in accretion disks.
(C) The lack of observational evidence of instabilities in accretion disks suggests that predictions of their occurrence might be wrong.
(D) Known methods of observing accretion disk surrounding compact stars and black holes do not permit the observation of the matter in accretion disks.
(E) The gravitational potential of compact stars does not vary from star to star.
6. The passage implies which of the following about the progress of knowledge in astrophysics?
(A) Adherence to outdated theories has, in the past, limited the activities of astrophysicists and restricted progress.
(B) Progress has, in the past, occurred only as a result of significant breakthroughs in basic physics and chemistry.
(C) Progress has, in the past, occurred as a result of a process of defining and solving restricted problems.
(D) Given the recent acquisition of knowledge about the nuclear processes of stars, further progress is likely to be limited to the refinement of what is already known.
(E) Conclusions in astrophysics have, in the past, been seriously flawed, thus limiting progress, although there have recently been signs of change.
7. The passage suggests that, compared to the study of ordinary stars, the study of accretion disks is
(A) derivative
(B) more sophisticated
(C) less clearly focused
(D) at an earlier stage of development
(E) more dependent on technological advances
8. According to the passage, some accretion disks originated in
(A) an increase in heat and radiation around an ordinary star
(B) a powerful flood of x-rays emitted by a neutron star
(C) a collision between two stars
(D) the turbulent friction on the surface of a compact star
(E) the accumulation of matter removed from an ordinary star
9. It can be inferred from the passage that the significance of Abramowicz' work is that it
(A) provides a means of measuring the gravitational potential of neutron stars
(B) opens a new area for exploration in the field of x-ray astronomy
(C) proves that scaling laws cannot be applied to accretion disks
(D) proposes a new system of classification of stars
(E) suggests a resolution of a discrepancy between a theoretical prediction and actual observation
A remarkable aspect of art of the present century is the range of concepts and ideologies which it embodies. It is almost tempting to see a pattern emerging within the art field - or alternatively imposed upon it a posteriori - similar to that which exists under the umbrella of science where the general term covers a whole range of separate, though interconnecting, activities. Any parallelism is however - in this instance at least - misleading. A scientific discipline develops systematically once its bare tenets have been established, named and categorized as conventions. Many of the concepts of modern art, by contrast, have resulted from the almost accidental meetings of groups of talented individuals at certain times and certain places. The ideas generated by these chance meetings had twofold consequences. Firstly, a corpus of work would be produced which, in great part, remains as a concrete record of the events. Secondly, the ideas would themselves be disseminated through many different channels of communication - seeds that often bore fruit in contexts far removed from their generation. Not all movements were exclusively concerned with innovation. Surrealism, for instance, claimed to embody a kind of insight which can be present in the art of any period. This claim has been generally accepted so that a sixteenth century painting by Spranger or a mysterious photograph by Atget can legitimately be discussed in surrealist terms. Briefly, then, the concepts of modern art are of many different (often fundamentally different) kinds and resulted from the exposures of painters, sculptors and thinkers to the more complex phenomena of the twentieth century, including our ever increasing knowledge of the thought and products of earlier centuries. Different groups of artists would collaborate in trying to make sense of a rapidly changing world of visual and spiritual experience. We should hardly be surprised if no one group succeeded completely, but achievements, though relative, have been considerable. Landmarks have been established - concrete statements of position which give a pattern to a situation which could easily have degenerated into total chaos. Beyond this, new language tools have been created for those who follow - semantic systems which can provide a springboard for further explorations. The codifying of art is often criticized. Certainly one can understand that artists are wary of being pigeonholed since they are apt to think of themselves as individuals - sometimes with good reason. The notion of self-expression, however, no longer carries quite the weight it once did; objectivity has its defenders. There is good reason to accept the ideas codified by artists and critics, over the past sixty years or so, as having attained the status of independent existence - an independence which is not without its own value. The time factor is important here. As an art movement slips into temporal perspective, it ceases to be a living organism - becoming, rather, a fossil. This is not to say that it becomes useless or uninteresting. Just as a scientist can reconstruct the life of a prehistoric environment from the messages codified into the structure of a fossil, so can an artist decipher whole webs of intellectual and creative possibility from the recorded structure of a €˜dead €™ art movement. The artist can match the creative patterns crystallized into this structure against the potentials and possibilities of his own time. As T.S. Eliot observed, no one starts anything from scratch; however consciously you may try to live in the present, you are still involved with a nexus of behaviour patterns bequeathed from the past. The original and creative person is not someone who ignores these patterns, but someone who is able to translate and develop them so that they conform more exactly to his - and our - present needs.
1. Many of the concepts of modern art have been the product of
(A) ideas generated from planned deliberations between artists, painters and thinkers.
(B) the dissemination of ideas through the state and its organizations.
(C) accidental interactions among people blessed with creative muse.
(D) patronage by the rich and powerful that supported art.
(E) systematic investigation, codification and conventions.
2. In the passage, the word €˜fossil €™ can be interpreted as
(A) an art movement that has ceased to remain interesting or useful.
(B) an analogy from the physical world to indicate a historic art movement.
(C) an analogy from the physical world to indicate the barrenness of artistic creations in the past.
(D) an embedded codification of pre-historic life.
(E) an analogy from the physical world to indicate the passing of an era associated with an art movement.
3. In the passage, which of the following similarities between science and art may lead to erroneous conclusions?
(A) Both, in general, include a gamut of distinct but interconnecting activities.
(B) Both have movements not necessarily concerned with innovation.
(C) Both depend on collaborations between talented individuals.
(D) Both involve abstract thought and dissemination of ideas.
(E) Both reflect complex priorities of the modern world.
4. The range of concepts and ideologies embodied in the art of the twentieth century is explained by
(A) the existence of movements such as surrealism.
(B) landmarks which give a pattern to the art history of the twentieth century.
(C) new language tools which can be used for further explorations into new areas.
(D) the fast changing world of perceptual and transcendental understanding.
(E) the quick exchange of ideas and concepts enabled by efficient technology.
5. The passage uses an observation by T.S. Eliot to imply that
(A) creative processes are not €˜original €™ because they always borrow from the past.
(B) we always carry forward the legacy of the past.
(C) past behaviours and thought processes recreate themselves in the present and get labeled as €˜original €™ or €˜creative €™.
(D) €˜originality €™ can only thrive in a €˜greenhouse €™ insulated from the past biases.
(E) €˜innovations €™ and €˜original thinking €™ interpret and develop on past thoughts to suit contemporary needs.
that's it for the day..!!
For over 300 years, one of the most enduring beliefs among historians of England has been that the character of English society has been shaped by the unique openness of its ruling elite to entry by self-made entrepreneurs (especially newly wealthy merchants) able to buy their way into the ranks of elite society. This upward mobility, historians have argued, allowed England to escape the clash between those with social/political power and those with economic power, a conflict that beset the rest of Europe during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Upward mobility was also used to explain England's exceptional stability since the late seventeenth century (no revolutions, for example), as well as such major events as the development of the most efficient agricultural system in Europe, the making of the first industrial revolution, and the onset of severe economic decline. But is the thesis true? Recent work on the supposed consequences of an open elite has already produced some doubts. Little credence, for example, is now accorded the idea that England's late nineteenth-century economic decline resulted from absentee business owners too distracted by the demands of elite life to manage their firms properly. But, although the importance of an open elite to other major events has been severely questioned, it is only with a new work by Lawrence and Jeanne Stone that the openness itself has been confronted. Eschewing the tack of tracing the careers of successful entrepreneurs to gauge the openness of the elite, the Stones chose the alternative approach of analyzing the elite itself, and proceeded via the ingenious route of investigating country-house ownership. Arguing that ownership of a country house was seen as essential for membership in the ruling elite, the Stones analyze the nature of country-house ownership in three counties for the period 1540-1880. Their critical findings are provocative: there was strikingly little change in the ownership of such houses throughout the period. Instead, even in the face of a demographic crisis (fewer marriages, declining fertility, rising infant mortality), the old elite was able to maintain itself, and its estates, intact for centuries through recourse to various marriage and inheritance strategies. The popular picture of venerable elite families overcome by debt and selling out to merchants is simply not borne out by the Stones' findings. Rather, the opportunities for entrepreneurs to buy their way into the elite, the Stones show, were extremely limited. If further studies of country-house ownership attest to the representativeness and accuracy of their data, then the Stones' conclusion that the open elite thesis cannot be maintained may, indeed, prove true.
1. According to the passage, one of the traditional explanations of England's late nineteenth-century economic decline has been that it resulted from the
(A) tendency of the ruling elite to pursue conservative rather than innovative economic policies
(B) failure of business entrepreneurs to reduce the power of the ruling elite in English society
(C) investment of large amounts of capital in the purchase and maintenance of country houses
(D) tendency of business owners to attempt to retain control of their firms within their families
(E) failure of leading business entrepreneurs to pay close attention to their firms
2. The author suggests that which of the following was true of most European elites during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries?
(A) The ranks of these elites were generally closed to most business entrepreneurs.
(B) The elites generally dominated industrial development.
(C) Status within these elites was generally determined by the amount of land owned.
(D) These elites generally were able to maintain their power unchallenged.
(E) The power of these elites generally forestalled the development of a large class of self-made entrepreneurs.
3. Traditional historians of England, as they are described in the passage, would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements regarding open elites?
(A) They develop more easily in agricultural rather than industrial societies.
(B) They develop in response to particular sets of economic conditions.
(C) They tend to unite some of the powerful groups in a society.
(D) They tend to reduce class distinctions based on income in a society.
(E) They tend to insure adequate distribution of material goods in a society.
4. The tone of the passage suggests that the author regards the Stones' methodological approach as
(A) problematic (B) difficult (C) controversial (D) rigorous (E) clever
5. Which of the following best states the main idea of the passage? (A) Assumptions about the nature of England's ruling elite can no longer be used with certitude to explain many major economic developments.
(B) The concept of the open elite is of paramount importance in explaining major English political, social, and economic events.
(C) The long-standing belief that England possessed a remarkably open ruling elite has recently been subjected to important and potentially lethal criticism.
(D) Although many possibilities are available, the most reliable means of testing the truth of the 'open elite' hypothesis is to analyze changes in the composition of the elite.
(E) An analysis of English country-house ownership in England indicates that there were few opportunities for merchants to buy the estates of old members of the landed elite.
6. Which of the following can be inferred from the Stones' findings about English country-house ownership in the three counties during the period 1540-1880?
(A) Little change in the number or size of English country houses occurred during this period.
(B) Wealthy business owners constituted a growing percentage of English country-house owners during this period.
(C) Most of the families that owned country houses at the beginning of this period continued to own them at the end.
(D) The most significant changes in English country-house ownership occurred during the second half of this period.
(E) Self-made entrepreneurs were able to enter the ranks of the English country-house owners during this period only through marriage.
7. The primary purpose of the passage is to
(A) resolve a debate between two schools of thought. (B) Present research that questions an established view.
(C) Describe and criticize a new approach.
(D) Defend a traditional interpretation against recent criticisms.
(E) Analyze possible approaches to resolving a long-standing controversy.
8. The Stones suggest that major problems facing the English elite during the period 1540-1880 included which of the following?
(A) A reduction in the number of their offspring
(B) An increase in the amount of their indebtedness
(C) . A decline in their political and social power
(D) I only
(E) III only
9. The author suggests that the Stones' conclusions about the openness of the English elite would be strengthened by future studies that
(A) pay more attention to other recent historical works
(B) include more data on factors other than country-house ownership (C) concentrate more on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
(D) expand the area of research to include more counties
(E) focus more on successful business entrepreneurs
For over 300 years, one of the most enduring beliefs among historians of England has been that the character of English society has been shaped by the unique openness of its ruling elite to entry by self-made entrepreneurs (especially newly wealthy merchants) able to buy their way into the ranks of elite society. This upward mobility, historians have argued, allowed England to escape the clash between those with social/political power and those with economic power, a conflict that beset the rest of Europe during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Upward mobility was also used to explain England's exceptional stability since the late seventeenth century (no revolutions, for example), as well as such major events as the development of the most efficient agricultural system in Europe, the making of the first industrial revolution, and the onset of severe economic decline. But is the thesis true? Recent work on the supposed consequences of an open elite has already produced some doubts. Little credence, for example, is now accorded the idea that England's late nineteenth-century economic decline resulted from absentee business owners too distracted by the demands of elite life to manage their firms properly. But, although the importance of an open elite to other major events has been severely questioned, it is only with a new work by Lawrence and Jeanne Stone that the openness itself has been confronted. Eschewing the tack of tracing the careers of successful entrepreneurs to gauge the openness of the elite, the Stones chose the alternative approach of analyzing the elite itself, and proceeded via the ingenious route of investigating country-house ownership. Arguing that ownership of a country house was seen as essential for membership in the ruling elite, the Stones analyze the nature of country-house ownership in three counties for the period 1540-1880. Their critical findings are provocative: there was strikingly little change in the ownership of such houses throughout the period. Instead, even in the face of a demographic crisis (fewer marriages, declining fertility, rising infant mortality), the old elite was able to maintain itself, and its estates, intact for centuries through recourse to various marriage and inheritance strategies. The popular picture of venerable elite families overcome by debt and selling out to merchants is simply not borne out by the Stones' findings. Rather, the opportunities for entrepreneurs to buy their way into the elite, the Stones show, were extremely limited. If further studies of country-house ownership attest to the representativeness and accuracy of their data, then the Stones' conclusion that the open elite thesis cannot be maintained may, indeed, prove true.
1. According to the passage, one of the traditional explanations of England's late nineteenth-century economic decline has been that it resulted from the
(A) tendency of the ruling elite to pursue conservative rather than innovative economic policies
(B) failure of business entrepreneurs to reduce the power of the ruling elite in English society
(C) investment of large amounts of capital in the purchase and maintenance of country houses
(D) tendency of business owners to attempt to retain control of their firms within their families
(E) failure of leading business entrepreneurs to pay close attention to their firms
2. The author suggests that which of the following was true of most European elites during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries?
(A) The ranks of these elites were generally closed to most business entrepreneurs.
(B) The elites generally dominated industrial development.
(C) Status within these elites was generally determined by the amount of land owned.
(D) These elites generally were able to maintain their power unchallenged.
(E) The power of these elites generally forestalled the development of a large class of self-made entrepreneurs.
3. Traditional historians of England, as they are described in the passage, would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements regarding open elites?
(A) They develop more easily in agricultural rather than industrial societies.
(B) They develop in response to particular sets of economic conditions.
(C) They tend to unite some of the powerful groups in a society.
(D) They tend to reduce class distinctions based on income in a society.
(E) They tend to insure adequate distribution of material goods in a society.
4. The tone of the passage suggests that the author regards the Stones' methodological approach as
(A) problematic (B) difficult (C) controversial (D) rigorous (E) clever
5. Which of the following best states the main idea of the passage? (A) Assumptions about the nature of England's ruling elite can no longer be used with certitude to explain many major economic developments.
(B) The concept of the open elite is of paramount importance in explaining major English political, social, and economic events.
(C) The long-standing belief that England possessed a remarkably open ruling elite has recently been subjected to important and potentially lethal criticism.
(D) Although many possibilities are available, the most reliable means of testing the truth of the 'open elite' hypothesis is to analyze changes in the composition of the elite.
(E) An analysis of English country-house ownership in England indicates that there were few opportunities for merchants to buy the estates of old members of the landed elite.
6. Which of the following can be inferred from the Stones' findings about English country-house ownership in the three counties during the period 1540-1880?
(A) Little change in the number or size of English country houses occurred during this period.
(B) Wealthy business owners constituted a growing percentage of English country-house owners during this period.
(C) Most of the families that owned country houses at the beginning of this period continued to own them at the end.
(D) The most significant changes in English country-house ownership occurred during the second half of this period.
(E) Self-made entrepreneurs were able to enter the ranks of the English country-house owners during this period only through marriage.
7. The primary purpose of the passage is to
(A) resolve a debate between two schools of thought. (B) Present research that questions an established view.
(C) Describe and criticize a new approach.
(D) Defend a traditional interpretation against recent criticisms.
(E) Analyze possible approaches to resolving a long-standing controversy.
8. The Stones suggest that major problems facing the English elite during the period 1540-1880 included which of the following?
(A) A reduction in the number of their offspring
(B) An increase in the amount of their indebtedness
(C) . A decline in their political and social power
(D) I only
(E) III only
9. The author suggests that the Stones' conclusions about the openness of the English elite would be strengthened by future studies that
(A) pay more attention to other recent historical works
(B) include more data on factors other than country-house ownership (C) concentrate more on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
(D) expand the area of research to include more counties
(E) focus more on successful business entrepreneurs
For over 300 years, one of the most enduring beliefs among historians of England has been that the character of English society has been shaped by the unique openness of its ruling elite to entry by self-made entrepreneurs (especially newly wealthy merchants) able to buy their way into the ranks of elite society. This upward mobility, historians have argued, allowed England to escape the clash between those with social/political power and those with economic power, a conflict that beset the rest of Europe during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Upward mobility was also used to explain England's exceptional stability since the late seventeenth century (no revolutions, for example), as well as such major events as the development of the most efficient agricultural system in Europe, the making of the first industrial revolution, and the onset of severe economic decline. But is the thesis true? Recent work on the supposed consequences of an open elite has already produced some doubts. Little credence, for example, is now accorded the idea that England's late nineteenth-century economic decline resulted from absentee business owners too distracted by the demands of elite life to manage their firms properly. But, although the importance of an open elite to other major events has been severely questioned, it is only with a new work by Lawrence and Jeanne Stone that the openness itself has been confronted. Eschewing the tack of tracing the careers of successful entrepreneurs to gauge the openness of the elite, the Stones chose the alternative approach of analyzing the elite itself, and proceeded via the ingenious route of investigating country-house ownership. Arguing that ownership of a country house was seen as essential for membership in the ruling elite, the Stones analyze the nature of country-house ownership in three counties for the period 1540-1880. Their critical findings are provocative: there was strikingly little change in the ownership of such houses throughout the period. Instead, even in the face of a demographic crisis (fewer marriages, declining fertility, rising infant mortality), the old elite was able to maintain itself, and its estates, intact for centuries through recourse to various marriage and inheritance strategies. The popular picture of venerable elite families overcome by debt and selling out to merchants is simply not borne out by the Stones' findings. Rather, the opportunities for entrepreneurs to buy their way into the elite, the Stones show, were extremely limited. If further studies of country-house ownership attest to the representativeness and accuracy of their data, then the Stones' conclusion that the open elite thesis cannot be maintained may, indeed, prove true.
1. According to the passage, one of the traditional explanations of England's late nineteenth-century economic decline has been that it resulted from the
(A) tendency of the ruling elite to pursue conservative rather than innovative economic policies
(B) failure of business entrepreneurs to reduce the power of the ruling elite in English society
(C) investment of large amounts of capital in the purchase and maintenance of country houses
(D) tendency of business owners to attempt to retain control of their firms within their families
(E) failure of leading business entrepreneurs to pay close attention to their firms
2. The author suggests that which of the following was true of most European elites during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries?
(A) The ranks of these elites were generally closed to most business entrepreneurs.
(B) The elites generally dominated industrial development.
(C) Status within these elites was generally determined by the amount of land owned.
(D) These elites generally were able to maintain their power unchallenged.
(E) The power of these elites generally forestalled the development of a large class of self-made entrepreneurs.
3. Traditional historians of England, as they are described in the passage, would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements regarding open elites?
(A) They develop more easily in agricultural rather than industrial societies.
(B) They develop in response to particular sets of economic conditions.
(C) They tend to unite some of the powerful groups in a society.
(D) They tend to reduce class distinctions based on income in a society.
(E) They tend to insure adequate distribution of material goods in a society.
4. The tone of the passage suggests that the author regards the Stones' methodological approach as
(A) problematic (B) difficult (C) controversial (D) rigorous (E) clever
5. Which of the following best states the main idea of the passage? (A) Assumptions about the nature of England's ruling elite can no longer be used with certitude to explain many major economic developments.
(B) The concept of the open elite is of paramount importance in explaining major English political, social, and economic events.
(C) The long-standing belief that England possessed a remarkably open ruling elite has recently been subjected to important and potentially lethal criticism.
(D) Although many possibilities are available, the most reliable means of testing the truth of the 'open elite' hypothesis is to analyze changes in the composition of the elite.
(E) An analysis of English country-house ownership in England indicates that there were few opportunities for merchants to buy the estates of old members of the landed elite.
6. Which of the following can be inferred from the Stones' findings about English country-house ownership in the three counties during the period 1540-1880?
(A) Little change in the number or size of English country houses occurred during this period.
(B) Wealthy business owners constituted a growing percentage of English country-house owners during this period.
(C) Most of the families that owned country houses at the beginning of this period continued to own them at the end.
(D) The most significant changes in English country-house ownership occurred during the second half of this period.
(E) Self-made entrepreneurs were able to enter the ranks of the English country-house owners during this period only through marriage.
7. The primary purpose of the passage is to
(A) resolve a debate between two schools of thought. (B) Present research that questions an established view.
(C) Describe and criticize a new approach.
(D) Defend a traditional interpretation against recent criticisms.
(E) Analyze possible approaches to resolving a long-standing controversy.
8. The Stones suggest that major problems facing the English elite during the period 1540-1880 included which of the following?
(A) A reduction in the number of their offspring
(B) An increase in the amount of their indebtedness
(C) . A decline in their political and social power
(D) I only
(E) III only
9. The author suggests that the Stones' conclusions about the openness of the English elite would be strengthened by future studies that
(A) pay more attention to other recent historical works
(B) include more data on factors other than country-house ownership (C) concentrate more on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
(D) expand the area of research to include more counties
(E) focus more on successful business entrepreneurs
For over 300 years, one of the most enduring beliefs among historians of England has been that the character of English society has been shaped by the unique openness of its ruling elite to entry by self-made entrepreneurs (especially newly wealthy merchants) able to buy their way into the ranks of elite society. This upward mobility, historians have argued, allowed England to escape the clash between those with social/political power and those with economic power, a conflict that beset the rest of Europe during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Upward mobility was also used to explain England's exceptional stability since the late seventeenth century (no revolutions, for example), as well as such major events as the development of the most efficient agricultural system in Europe, the making of the first industrial revolution, and the onset of severe economic decline. But is the thesis true? Recent work on the supposed consequences of an open elite has already produced some doubts. Little credence, for example, is now accorded the idea that England's late nineteenth-century economic decline resulted from absentee business owners too distracted by the demands of elite life to manage their firms properly. But, although the importance of an open elite to other major events has been severely questioned, it is only with a new work by Lawrence and Jeanne Stone that the openness itself has been confronted. Eschewing the tack of tracing the careers of successful entrepreneurs to gauge the openness of the elite, the Stones chose the alternative approach of analyzing the elite itself, and proceeded via the ingenious route of investigating country-house ownership. Arguing that ownership of a country house was seen as essential for membership in the ruling elite, the Stones analyze the nature of country-house ownership in three counties for the period 1540-1880. Their critical findings are provocative: there was strikingly little change in the ownership of such houses throughout the period. Instead, even in the face of a demographic crisis (fewer marriages, declining fertility, rising infant mortality), the old elite was able to maintain itself, and its estates, intact for centuries through recourse to various marriage and inheritance strategies. The popular picture of venerable elite families overcome by debt and selling out to merchants is simply not borne out by the Stones' findings. Rather, the opportunities for entrepreneurs to buy their way into the elite, the Stones show, were extremely limited. If further studies of country-house ownership attest to the representativeness and accuracy of their data, then the Stones' conclusion that the open elite thesis cannot be maintained may, indeed, prove true.
1. According to the passage, one of the traditional explanations of England's late nineteenth-century economic decline has been that it resulted from the
(A) tendency of the ruling elite to pursue conservative rather than innovative economic policies
(B) failure of business entrepreneurs to reduce the power of the ruling elite in English society
(C) investment of large amounts of capital in the purchase and maintenance of country houses
(D) tendency of business owners to attempt to retain control of their firms within their families
(E) failure of leading business entrepreneurs to pay close attention to their firms
2. The author suggests that which of the following was true of most European elites during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries?
(A) The ranks of these elites were generally closed to most business entrepreneurs.
(B) The elites generally dominated industrial development.
(C) Status within these elites was generally determined by the amount of land owned.
(D) These elites generally were able to maintain their power unchallenged.
(E) The power of these elites generally forestalled the development of a large class of self-made entrepreneurs.
3. Traditional historians of England, as they are described in the passage, would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements regarding open elites?
(A) They develop more easily in agricultural rather than industrial societies.
(B) They develop in response to particular sets of economic conditions.
(C) They tend to unite some of the powerful groups in a society.
(D) They tend to reduce class distinctions based on income in a society.
(E) They tend to insure adequate distribution of material goods in a society.
4. The tone of the passage suggests that the author regards the Stones' methodological approach as
(A) problematic (B) difficult (C) controversial (D) rigorous (E) clever
5. Which of the following best states the main idea of the passage? (A) Assumptions about the nature of England's ruling elite can no longer be used with certitude to explain many major economic developments.
(B) The concept of the open elite is of paramount importance in explaining major English political, social, and economic events.
(C) The long-standing belief that England possessed a remarkably open ruling elite has recently been subjected to important and potentially lethal criticism.
(D) Although many possibilities are available, the most reliable means of testing the truth of the 'open elite' hypothesis is to analyze changes in the composition of the elite.
(E) An analysis of English country-house ownership in England indicates that there were few opportunities for merchants to buy the estates of old members of the landed elite.
6. Which of the following can be inferred from the Stones' findings about English country-house ownership in the three counties during the period 1540-1880?
(A) Little change in the number or size of English country houses occurred during this period.
(B) Wealthy business owners constituted a growing percentage of English country-house owners during this period.
(C) Most of the families that owned country houses at the beginning of this period continued to own them at the end.
(D) The most significant changes in English country-house ownership occurred during the second half of this period.
(E) Self-made entrepreneurs were able to enter the ranks of the English country-house owners during this period only through marriage.
7. The primary purpose of the passage is to
(A) resolve a debate between two schools of thought. (B) Present research that questions an established view.
(C) Describe and criticize a new approach.
(D) Defend a traditional interpretation against recent criticisms.
(E) Analyze possible approaches to resolving a long-standing controversy.
8. The Stones suggest that major problems facing the English elite during the period 1540-1880 included which of the following?
(A) A reduction in the number of their offspring
(B) An increase in the amount of their indebtedness
(C) . A decline in their political and social power
(D) I only
(E) III only
9. The author suggests that the Stones' conclusions about the openness of the English elite would be strengthened by future studies that
(A) pay more attention to other recent historical works
(B) include more data on factors other than country-house ownership (C) concentrate more on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
(D) expand the area of research to include more counties
(E) focus more on successful business entrepreneurs
For over 300 years, one of the most enduring beliefs among historians of England has been that the character of English society has been shaped by the unique openness of its ruling elite to entry by self-made entrepreneurs (especially newly wealthy merchants) able to buy their way into the ranks of elite society. This upward mobility, historians have argued, allowed England to escape the clash between those with social/political power and those with economic power, a conflict that beset the rest of Europe during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Upward mobility was also used to explain England's exceptional stability since the late seventeenth century (no revolutions, for example), as well as such major events as the development of the most efficient agricultural system in Europe, the making of the first industrial revolution, and the onset of severe economic decline. But is the thesis true? Recent work on the supposed consequences of an open elite has already produced some doubts. Little credence, for example, is now accorded the idea that England's late nineteenth-century economic decline resulted from absentee business owners too distracted by the demands of elite life to manage their firms properly. But, although the importance of an open elite to other major events has been severely questioned, it is only with a new work by Lawrence and Jeanne Stone that the openness itself has been confronted. Eschewing the tack of tracing the careers of successful entrepreneurs to gauge the openness of the elite, the Stones chose the alternative approach of analyzing the elite itself, and proceeded via the ingenious route of investigating country-house ownership. Arguing that ownership of a country house was seen as essential for membership in the ruling elite, the Stones analyze the nature of country-house ownership in three counties for the period 1540-1880. Their critical findings are provocative: there was strikingly little change in the ownership of such houses throughout the period. Instead, even in the face of a demographic crisis (fewer marriages, declining fertility, rising infant mortality), the old elite was able to maintain itself, and its estates, intact for centuries through recourse to various marriage and inheritance strategies. The popular picture of venerable elite families overcome by debt and selling out to merchants is simply not borne out by the Stones' findings. Rather, the opportunities for entrepreneurs to buy their way into the elite, the Stones show, were extremely limited. If further studies of country-house ownership attest to the representativeness and accuracy of their data, then the Stones' conclusion that the open elite thesis cannot be maintained may, indeed, prove true.
1. According to the passage, one of the traditional explanations of England's late nineteenth-century economic decline has been that it resulted from the
(A) tendency of the ruling elite to pursue conservative rather than innovative economic policies
(B) failure of business entrepreneurs to reduce the power of the ruling elite in English society
(C) investment of large amounts of capital in the purchase and maintenance of country houses
(D) tendency of business owners to attempt to retain control of their firms within their families
(E) failure of leading business entrepreneurs to pay close attention to their firms
2. The author suggests that which of the following was true of most European elites during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries?
(A) The ranks of these elites were generally closed to most business entrepreneurs.
(B) The elites generally dominated industrial development.
(C) Status within these elites was generally determined by the amount of land owned.
(D) These elites generally were able to maintain their power unchallenged.
(E) The power of these elites generally forestalled the development of a large class of self-made entrepreneurs.
3. Traditional historians of England, as they are described in the passage, would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements regarding open elites?
(A) They develop more easily in agricultural rather than industrial societies.
(B) They develop in response to particular sets of economic conditions.
(C) They tend to unite some of the powerful groups in a society.
(D) They tend to reduce class distinctions based on income in a society.
(E) They tend to insure adequate distribution of material goods in a society.
4. The tone of the passage suggests that the author regards the Stones' methodological approach as
(A) problematic (B) difficult (C) controversial (D) rigorous (E) clever
5. Which of the following best states the main idea of the passage? (A) Assumptions about the nature of England's ruling elite can no longer be used with certitude to explain many major economic developments.
(B) The concept of the open elite is of paramount importance in explaining major English political, social, and economic events.
(C) The long-standing belief that England possessed a remarkably open ruling elite has recently been subjected to important and potentially lethal criticism.
(D) Although many possibilities are available, the most reliable means of testing the truth of the 'open elite' hypothesis is to analyze changes in the composition of the elite.
(E) An analysis of English country-house ownership in England indicates that there were few opportunities for merchants to buy the estates of old members of the landed elite.
6. Which of the following can be inferred from the Stones' findings about English country-house ownership in the three counties during the period 1540-1880?
(A) Little change in the number or size of English country houses occurred during this period.
(B) Wealthy business owners constituted a growing percentage of English country-house owners during this period.
(C) Most of the families that owned country houses at the beginning of this period continued to own them at the end.
(D) The most significant changes in English country-house ownership occurred during the second half of this period.
(E) Self-made entrepreneurs were able to enter the ranks of the English country-house owners during this period only through marriage.
7. The primary purpose of the passage is to
(A) resolve a debate between two schools of thought. (B) Present research that questions an established view.
(C) Describe and criticize a new approach.
(D) Defend a traditional interpretation against recent criticisms.
(E) Analyze possible approaches to resolving a long-standing controversy.
8. The Stones suggest that major problems facing the English elite during the period 1540-1880 included which of the following?
(A) A reduction in the number of their offspring
(B) An increase in the amount of their indebtedness
(C) . A decline in their political and social power
(D) I only
(E) III only
9. The author suggests that the Stones' conclusions about the openness of the English elite would be strengthened by future studies that
(A) pay more attention to other recent historical works
(B) include more data on factors other than country-house ownership (C) concentrate more on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
(D) expand the area of research to include more counties
(E) focus more on successful business entrepreneurs
For over 300 years, one of the most enduring beliefs among historians of England has been that the character of English society has been shaped by the unique openness of its ruling elite to entry by self-made entrepreneurs (especially newly wealthy merchants) able to buy their way into the ranks of elite society. This upward mobility, historians have argued, allowed England to escape the clash between those with social/political power and those with economic power, a conflict that beset the rest of Europe during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Upward mobility was also used to explain England's exceptional stability since the late seventeenth century (no revolutions, for example), as well as such major events as the development of the most efficient agricultural system in Europe, the making of the first industrial revolution, and the onset of severe economic decline. But is the thesis true? Recent work on the supposed consequences of an open elite has already produced some doubts. Little credence, for example, is now accorded the idea that England's late nineteenth-century economic decline resulted from absentee business owners too distracted by the demands of elite life to manage their firms properly. But, although the importance of an open elite to other major events has been severely questioned, it is only with a new work by Lawrence and Jeanne Stone that the openness itself has been confronted. Eschewing the tack of tracing the careers of successful entrepreneurs to gauge the openness of the elite, the Stones chose the alternative approach of analyzing the elite itself, and proceeded via the ingenious route of investigating country-house ownership. Arguing that ownership of a country house was seen as essential for membership in the ruling elite, the Stones analyze the nature of country-house ownership in three counties for the period 1540-1880. Their critical findings are provocative: there was strikingly little change in the ownership of such houses throughout the period. Instead, even in the face of a demographic crisis (fewer marriages, declining fertility, rising infant mortality), the old elite was able to maintain itself, and its estates, intact for centuries through recourse to various marriage and inheritance strategies. The popular picture of venerable elite families overcome by debt and selling out to merchants is simply not borne out by the Stones' findings. Rather, the opportunities for entrepreneurs to buy their way into the elite, the Stones show, were extremely limited. If further studies of country-house ownership attest to the representativeness and accuracy of their data, then the Stones' conclusion that the open elite thesis cannot be maintained may, indeed, prove true.
1. According to the passage, one of the traditional explanations of England's late nineteenth-century economic decline has been that it resulted from the
(A) tendency of the ruling elite to pursue conservative rather than innovative economic policies
(B) failure of business entrepreneurs to reduce the power of the ruling elite in English society
(C) investment of large amounts of capital in the purchase and maintenance of country houses
(D) tendency of business owners to attempt to retain control of their firms within their families
(E) failure of leading business entrepreneurs to pay close attention to their firms
2. The author suggests that which of the following was true of most European elites during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries?
(A) The ranks of these elites were generally closed to most business entrepreneurs.
(B) The elites generally dominated industrial development.
(C) Status within these elites was generally determined by the amount of land owned.
(D) These elites generally were able to maintain their power unchallenged.
(E) The power of these elites generally forestalled the development of a large class of self-made entrepreneurs.
3. Traditional historians of England, as they are described in the passage, would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements regarding open elites?
(A) They develop more easily in agricultural rather than industrial societies.
(B) They develop in response to particular sets of economic conditions.
(C) They tend to unite some of the powerful groups in a society.
(D) They tend to reduce class distinctions based on income in a society.
(E) They tend to insure adequate distribution of material goods in a society.
4. The tone of the passage suggests that the author regards the Stones' methodological approach as
(A) problematic (B) difficult (C) controversial (D) rigorous (E) clever
5. Which of the following best states the main idea of the passage? (A) Assumptions about the nature of England's ruling elite can no longer be used with certitude to explain many major economic developments.
(B) The concept of the open elite is of paramount importance in explaining major English political, social, and economic events.
(C) The long-standing belief that England possessed a remarkably open ruling elite has recently been subjected to important and potentially lethal criticism.
(D) Although many possibilities are available, the most reliable means of testing the truth of the 'open elite' hypothesis is to analyze changes in the composition of the elite.
(E) An analysis of English country-house ownership in England indicates that there were few opportunities for merchants to buy the estates of old members of the landed elite.
6. Which of the following can be inferred from the Stones' findings about English country-house ownership in the three counties during the period 1540-1880?
(A) Little change in the number or size of English country houses occurred during this period.
(B) Wealthy business owners constituted a growing percentage of English country-house owners during this period.
(C) Most of the families that owned country houses at the beginning of this period continued to own them at the end.
(D) The most significant changes in English country-house ownership occurred during the second half of this period.
(E) Self-made entrepreneurs were able to enter the ranks of the English country-house owners during this period only through marriage.
7. The primary purpose of the passage is to
(A) resolve a debate between two schools of thought. (B) Present research that questions an established view.
(C) Describe and criticize a new approach.
(D) Defend a traditional interpretation against recent criticisms.
(E) Analyze possible approaches to resolving a long-standing controversy.
8. The Stones suggest that major problems facing the English elite during the period 1540-1880 included which of the following?
(A) A reduction in the number of their offspring
(B) An increase in the amount of their indebtedness
(C) . A decline in their political and social power
(D) I only
(E) III only
9. The author suggests that the Stones' conclusions about the openness of the English elite would be strengthened by future studies that
(A) pay more attention to other recent historical works
(B) include more data on factors other than country-house ownership (C) concentrate more on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
(D) expand the area of research to include more counties
(E) focus more on successful business entrepreneurs
For over 300 years, one of the most enduring beliefs among historians of England has been that the character of English society has been shaped by the unique openness of its ruling elite to entry by self-made entrepreneurs (especially newly wealthy merchants) able to buy their way into the ranks of elite society. This upward mobility, historians have argued, allowed England to escape the clash between those with social/political power and those with economic power, a conflict that beset the rest of Europe during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Upward mobility was also used to explain England's exceptional stability since the late seventeenth century (no revolutions, for example), as well as such major events as the development of the most efficient agricultural system in Europe, the making of the first industrial revolution, and the onset of severe economic decline. But is the thesis true? Recent work on the supposed consequences of an open elite has already produced some doubts. Little credence, for example, is now accorded the idea that England's late nineteenth-century economic decline resulted from absentee business owners too distracted by the demands of elite life to manage their firms properly. But, although the importance of an open elite to other major events has been severely questioned, it is only with a new work by Lawrence and Jeanne Stone that the openness itself has been confronted. Eschewing the tack of tracing the careers of successful entrepreneurs to gauge the openness of the elite, the Stones chose the alternative approach of analyzing the elite itself, and proceeded via the ingenious route of investigating country-house ownership. Arguing that ownership of a country house was seen as essential for membership in the ruling elite, the Stones analyze the nature of country-house ownership in three counties for the period 1540-1880. Their critical findings are provocative: there was strikingly little change in the ownership of such houses throughout the period. Instead, even in the face of a demographic crisis (fewer marriages, declining fertility, rising infant mortality), the old elite was able to maintain itself, and its estates, intact for centuries through recourse to various marriage and inheritance strategies. The popular picture of venerable elite families overcome by debt and selling out to merchants is simply not borne out by the Stones' findings. Rather, the opportunities for entrepreneurs to buy their way into the elite, the Stones show, were extremely limited. If further studies of country-house ownership attest to the representativeness and accuracy of their data, then the Stones' conclusion that the open elite thesis cannot be maintained may, indeed, prove true.
1. According to the passage, one of the traditional explanations of England's late nineteenth-century economic decline has been that it resulted from the
(A) tendency of the ruling elite to pursue conservative rather than innovative economic policies
(B) failure of business entrepreneurs to reduce the power of the ruling elite in English society
(C) investment of large amounts of capital in the purchase and maintenance of country houses
(D) tendency of business owners to attempt to retain control of their firms within their families
(E) failure of leading business entrepreneurs to pay close attention to their firms
2. The author suggests that which of the following was true of most European elites during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries?
(A) The ranks of these elites were generally closed to most business entrepreneurs.
(B) The elites generally dominated industrial development.
(C) Status within these elites was generally determined by the amount of land owned.
(D) These elites generally were able to maintain their power unchallenged.
(E) The power of these elites generally forestalled the development of a large class of self-made entrepreneurs.
3. Traditional historians of England, as they are described in the passage, would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements regarding open elites?
(A) They develop more easily in agricultural rather than industrial societies.
(B) They develop in response to particular sets of economic conditions.
(C) They tend to unite some of the powerful groups in a society.
(D) They tend to reduce class distinctions based on income in a society.
(E) They tend to insure adequate distribution of material goods in a society.
4. The tone of the passage suggests that the author regards the Stones' methodological approach as
(A) problematic (B) difficult (C) controversial (D) rigorous (E) clever
5. Which of the following best states the main idea of the passage? (A) Assumptions about the nature of England's ruling elite can no longer be used with certitude to explain many major economic developments.
(B) The concept of the open elite is of paramount importance in explaining major English political, social, and economic events.
(C) The long-standing belief that England possessed a remarkably open ruling elite has recently been subjected to important and potentially lethal criticism.
(D) Although many possibilities are available, the most reliable means of testing the truth of the 'open elite' hypothesis is to analyze changes in the composition of the elite.
(E) An analysis of English country-house ownership in England indicates that there were few opportunities for merchants to buy the estates of old members of the landed elite.
6. Which of the following can be inferred from the Stones' findings about English country-house ownership in the three counties during the period 1540-1880?
(A) Little change in the number or size of English country houses occurred during this period.
(B) Wealthy business owners constituted a growing percentage of English country-house owners during this period.
(C) Most of the families that owned country houses at the beginning of this period continued to own them at the end.
(D) The most significant changes in English country-house ownership occurred during the second half of this period.
(E) Self-made entrepreneurs were able to enter the ranks of the English country-house owners during this period only through marriage.
7. The primary purpose of the passage is to
(A) resolve a debate between two schools of thought. (B) Present research that questions an established view.
(C) Describe and criticize a new approach.
(D) Defend a traditional interpretation against recent criticisms.
(E) Analyze possible approaches to resolving a long-standing controversy.
8. The Stones suggest that major problems facing the English elite during the period 1540-1880 included which of the following?
(A) A reduction in the number of their offspring
(B) An increase in the amount of their indebtedness
(C) . A decline in their political and social power
(D) I only
(E) III only
9. The author suggests that the Stones' conclusions about the openness of the English elite would be strengthened by future studies that
(A) pay more attention to other recent historical works
(B) include more data on factors other than country-house ownership (C) concentrate more on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
(D) expand the area of research to include more counties
(E) focus more on successful business entrepreneurs