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RC Practice - 5th July
In 1977 the prestigious Ewha Women’s University in Seoul, Korea, announced the opening of the first women’s studies program in Asia. Few academic programs have ever received such public attention. In broadcast debates, critics dismissed the program as a betrayal of national identity, an imitation of Western ideas, and a distraction from the real task of national unification and economic development. Even supporters underestimated the program; they thought it would be merely another of the many Western ideas that had already proved useful in Asian culture, akin to airlines, electricity, and the assembly line. The founders of the program, however, realized that neither view was correct. They had some reservations about the applicability of Western feminist theories to the role of women in Asia and felt that such theories should be closely examined. Their approach has thus far yielded important critiques of Western theory, informed by the special experience of Asian women. For instance, like the Western feminist critique of the Freudian model of the human psyche, the Korean critique finds Freudian theory culture-bound, but in ways different from those cited by Western theorists. The Korean theorists claim that Freudian theory assumes the universality of the Western nuclear, male-headed family and focuses on the personality formation of the individual, independent of society. An analysis based on such assumptions could be valid for a highly competitive, individualistic society. In the Freudian family drama, family members are assumed to be engaged in a Darwinian struggle against each other— father against son and sibling against sibling. Such a concept projects the competitive model of Western society onto human personalities. But in the Asian concept of personality there is no ideal attached to individualism or to the independent self. The Western model of personality development does not explain major characteristics of the Korean personality, which is social and group-centered. The “self” is a social being defined by and acting in a group, and the well-being of both men and women is determined by the equilibrium of the group, not by individual self-assertion. The ideal is one of interdependency. In such a context, what is recognized as “dependency” in Western psychiatric terms is not, in Korean terms, an admission of weakness or failure. All this bears directly on the Asian perception of men’s and women’s psychology because men are also “dependent.” In Korean culture, men cry and otherwise easily show their emotions, something that might be considered a betrayal of masculinity in Western culture. In the kinship-based society of Korea, four generations may live in the same house, which means that people can be sons and daughters all their lives, whereas in Western culture, the roles of husband and son, wife and daughter, are often incompatible.
1. Which of the following is NOT necessarily true of the family structures in Western and Korean cultures?
(A) the former is based on the ideal of competition among the members while the latter is based on the ideal of cooperation
(B) a family member in the West would generally find himself torn between shouldering the responsibilities of being a father and a son at once
(C) a Western family man is more repressive than a Korean counterpart
(D) domestic disharmony is more common in the Western families than in the Korean ones
2. Which of the following best summarizes the content of the passage?
(A) A critique of a particular women’s studies program
(B) A report of work in social theory done by a particular women’s studies program
(C) An assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of a particular women’s studies program
(D) An analysis of the philosophy underlying women’s studies programs
3. Which of the following conclusions about the introduction of Western ideas to Korean society can be supported by information contained in the passage?
(A) Except for technological innovations, few Western ideas have been successfully transplanted into Korean society.
(B) The introduction of Western ideas to Korean society is viewed by some Koreans as a challenge to Korean identity.
(C) The development of the Korean economy depends heavily on the development of new academic programs modeled after Western programs.
(D) The extent to which Western ideas must be adapted for acceptance by Korean society is minimal.
4. It can be inferred from the passage that the broadcast media in Korea considered the establishment of the Ewha women’s studies program
(A) imitative
(B) insignificant
(C) newsworthy
(D) praiseworthy
5. It can be inferred from the passage that the position taken by some of the supporters of the Ewha women’s studies program was problematic to the founders of the program because those supporters
(A) assumed that the program would be based on the uncritical adoption of Western theory
(B) failed to show concern for the issues of national unification and economic development
(C) were unfamiliar with Western feminist theory
(D) accepted the universality of Freudian theory
6. Which of the following statements about the Western feminist critique of Freudian theory can be supported by information contained in the passage?
(A) It recognizes that the Freudian theory is contextual
(B) It was written after 1977.
(C) It acknowledges the universality of the nuclear, male-headed family.
(D) It challenges Freud’s analysis of the role of daughters in Western society
Answers of today's RC :- https://youtu.be/wgZjHcvRjj8
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Gaali jitna bhi dedo, they have invited stars in their induction
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PG Admins after waking up from their sleep
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- IIM SIRMAUR
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0 voters
Converted IIM Trichy.
Won't be taking it up. Not sure if there are gonna be more lists, but all the best to the puys and pirls further up in the waitlist.
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RC Practice - 7th July
Since the 1970s, economic and occupational insecurity has become a major problem for American workers, their families, and their communities. While outsourcing, the busting and decline of unionization and welfare supports, and the rise of immigration, the prison?industrial complex, and unemployment have brought increased competition and considerable economic insecurity to working-class employees in the "traditional" blue-collar fields, there is an increasing demand for service personnel, including clerical and retail occupations. Sociologist Gosta Esping-Anderson describes these supervised service occupations as "junk jobs," as they fail to pay living wages in the face of asset and price inflation, fail to pay benefits, are often insecure, unstable, or temporary, and provide little work control and little opportunity for skill development or advancement Since the early 1970’s, historians have begun to devote serious attention to the working class in the United States. Yet while we now have studies of working-class communities and culture, we know remarkably little of worklessness. When historians have paid any attention at all to unemployment, they have focused on the Great Depression of the 1930’s. The narrowness of this perspective ignores the pervasive recessions and joblessness of the previous decades, as Alexander Robin shows in his recent book. Examining the period 1870- 1920, Robin concentrates on Massachusetts, where the historical materials are particularly rich, and the findings applicable to other industrial areas. The unemployment rates that Robin calculates appear to be relatively modest, at least by Great Depression standards: during the worst years, in the 1870’s and 1890’s, unemployment was around 15 percent. Yet Robin rightly understands that a better way to measure the impact of unemployment is to calculate unemployment frequencies—measuring the percentage of workers who experience any unemployment in the course of a year. Given this perspective, joblessness looms much larger. Robin also scrutinizes unemployment patterns according to skill level, ethnicity, race, age, class, and gender. He finds that rates of joblessness differed primarily according to class: those in middle-class and white-collar occupations were far less likely to be unemployed. Yet the impact of unemployment on a specific class was not always the same. Even when dependent on the same trade, adjoining communities could have dramatically different unemployment rates. Robin uses these differential rates to help explain a phenomenon that has puzzled historians—the startlingly high rate of geographical mobility in the nineteenth?century United States. But mobility was not the dominant working-class strategy for coping with unemployment, nor was assistance from private charities or state agencies. Self-help and the help of kin got most workers through jobless spells. While Robin might have spent more time developing the implications of his findings on joblessness for contemporary public policy, his study, in its thorough research and creative use of quantitative and qualitative evidence, is a model of historical analysis.
1. The passage is primarily concerned with
(A) recommending a new course of investigation
(B) estimating unemployment rates in the latter half of 19th century United States
(C) summarizing and assessing a study
(D) comparing and contrasting two methods for calculating data
2. The passage suggests that before the early 1970’s, which of the following was true of the study by historians of the working class in the United States?
(A) The study was infrequent or superficial, or both.
(B) The study was repeatedly criticized for its allegedly narrow focus.
(C) The study focused more on the working-class community than on working-class culture.
(D) The study ignored working-class joblessness during the Great Depression.
3. According to the passage, which of the following is true of Robin’s findings concerning unemployment in Massachusetts?
(A) They tend to contradict earlier findings about such unemployment.
(B) They are possible because Massachusetts has the most easily accessible historical records.
(C) They are the first to mention the existence of high rates of geographical mobility in the nineteenth century.
(D) They are relevant to a historical understanding of the nature of unemployment in other states.
4. Which of the following statements about the unemployment rate during the Great Depression can be inferred from the passage?
(A) It was sometimes higher than 15 percent.
(B) It has been analyzed seriously only since the early 1970’s.
(C) It can be calculated more easily than can unemployment frequency.
(D) It has been shown by Robin to be lower than previously thought.
5. The author views Robin’s study with
(A) wary concern
(B) polite skepticism
(C) scrupulous neutrality
(D) qualified admiration
6. Which of the following, if true, would most strongly support Robin’s findings as they are described by the author?
(A) Boston, Massachusetts, and Quincy, Massachusetts, adjoining communities, had a higher rate of unemployment for working-class people in 1870 than in 1890.
(B) White-collar professionals such as attorneys had as much trouble as day laborers in maintaining a steady level of employment throughout the period 1870-1920.
(C) Working-class women living in Cambridge, Massachusetts, were more likely than working-class men living in Cambridge to be unemployed for some period of time during the year 1873.
(D) In the 1890’s, shoe-factory workers moved away in large numbers from Chelmsford, Massachusetts, where shoe factories were being replaced by other industries, to adjoining West Chelmsford, where the shoe industry flourished.
Answers of today's RC :- https://youtu.be/N90d_SAqaYM