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Directions for questions : Read the following passages carefully and answer the questions that follow them.  


It is not obvious, to economists anyway, that cities should exist at all. Crowds of people mean congestion and costly land and labour. But there are also well-known advantages to bunching up. When transport costs are sufficiently high a firm can spend more money shipping goods to clusters of consumers than it saves on cheap land and labour. Workers with specialized skills flock to such clusters to be near to the sorts of firms that hire them. Such workers make a city still more attractive to growing companies. The deep pool of jobs and workers improves matches between employer and employee, boosting productivity and pay.  

There are benefits to being close to the competition, too. In the car industry's early days Detroit's entrepreneurs kept a close eye on rivals, learning to tweak designs and business models until a lucky few succeeded spectacularly. Silicon Valley's technological metabolism is powered by similar competitive co-operation.  

When new firms or workers create more value for other residents than they add to the costs of congestion, a city enjoys what economists call "increasing returns to scale". A metropolis becomes more attractive and productive as it grows. Increasing returns are a recipe for breathtaking growth. From 1880 to 1940 the population of the Detroit metropolitan area grew by nearly 1,300%. Population growth often slows as housing and congestion costs rise (although investments in housing and infrastructure can keep the engine going). But big shifts in the costs of doing business can destroy a city's gravitational pull altogether.  

The inflation-adjusted cost of moving goods fell by 90% during the 20th century. Cheaper transport meant firms no longer need to crowd together to gain access to deep markets and could move to places with cheaper land and labour. Factories decamped from city centers to suburbs, and thence to poorer regions and abroad. Industry maturation helped the process along. As car makers evolved from disruptive entrepreneurs into staid blue-chip firms, for example, the opportunities for employment and income, growth that industrial cities offered also grew more slowly, deflecting migrants to more enticing places.  

Once started, a slump can develop a life of its own. The erosion of the local tax base amplifies decay because it leads local governments to raise taxes and cut public services. As finances deteriorate municipal borrowing becomes more costly, crimping investment. The city of Detroit has been doubly battered by this process, suffering from both the loss of richer households to the suburbs and the decline of the wider metropolitan area. Its bankruptcy is the end point of a fiscal death spiral.  

Q8.The author identifies which of the following factors for destroying Detroit's gravitational pull completely?a)The automobile industry moved production out of Detroit b)Capitalism contributed to the city's steep decline c)The city lost jobs due to lower wages found in the suburbs d)Cheap transportation costs put Detroit on the fast track to economic desolation.


Q10.According to the passage, the reason why erosion of the local tax base hastened Detroit's decay is that:a)huge areas of the city was in a state of severe municipal neglect. b)the local government raised taxes and axed investmentsc)more affluent people left the city d)Detroit was a victim of its own success

guys , when you post an answer, do mention to the question number and also mention the explanation why a answer is correct and why other options are wrong . You can also explain why an option may not be completely correct but is best among the given choices

correct answer is given in comment #1 as per the answer keys provided by time.

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People believe in God for many reasons, some of them simplistic, others superstitious, but some existentially vital. Someone may, for instance, find the thought of their own death intolerable and turn to belief in God to quell their anxiety. Others, like the German philosopher Immanuel Kant, may simply be in awe of the "Starry sky above and the moral law within". And there are probably many who are simply born with a faith that flows, so to speak, as naturally from their DNA as their curly hair or their cholesterol count. In a story that may be apocryphal, but I suspect true, the late Yale philosopher Paul Holmer was once asked how he, a professional philosopher, could believe in Christianity. He replied, "Because my mother told me".



There is not only a certain sweetness to faith that is linked inextricably to the joys and vicissitudes of human life; this is also how we would expect faith to be. Whether we call religious beliefs mere wish fulfillment, psychological projection of our desires, or longing for the divine, it seems natural to expect that our reasons for believing in God be intimately connected to who we are, what we fear, and what we long for. Faith is a fickle thing. It is formed, nurtured, and grows and sometimes gets extinguished - yet one thing is certain: it isn't something that grabs us by the throat and demands acceptance in the same manner as the Pythagorean theorem or Newton's laws of motion. Faith is not a matter of science. Or is it? 


In a culture that worships scientific progress, we often act as if acquiring faith is something of an intellectual transaction: the proof is presented, we process it rationally, and Voila, belief sprouts forth from the fertile ground of a well-functioning mind. As Ludwig Wittgenstein put it, philosophers "constantly see the method of science before their eyes, and are irresistibly tempted to ask and answer questions in the way science does." This, for better or worse, has been the fate of the proofs for God's existence. We aren't usually drawn to the truths of science because we fear death; science is too hard nosed and rigorous for such subjectivity. "Scientific" proofs for faith, then, are taken to be at their finest when they are separated from the whims, fears, and desires of human existence. Nothing less than the intellect's best work is acceptable if our faith is to be given recognition in a culture that tends toward worshiping at the altar of science.  


Ques) The author quotes Wittgenstein to support the position that 

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For all queries pertaining to NITIE MBA Admission (PGDIM/PGDISEM) for the Batch of 2015-17, you can follow this thread:


http://www.pagalguy.com/discussions/2015-2017-nitie-mumbai-admissions-helpdesk-pgdim-pgdisem-2953352...

or you may join this FB group:


https://www.facebook.com/groups/NITIE.Aspirant.Helpdesk.2015/

NITIE, Mumbai Admissions || Team impact 2014-16
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VICE CAPTAIN (DT'15)
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Since the dawn of the television and movie era, the act and consequences of eating has been portrayed inaccurately. After reviewing nearly a hundred years of motion picture and television archives even the most thorough investigator would be hard-pressed to find a realistic depiction of food. These industries are known for responding to social change in other capacities such as the role of women in society and ever-changing social norms; but when it comes to food, the movie and television industries remains unchanged in its incorrect perception of eating habits.

The film industry has a history of responding to changes in society. Movies and television shows now present women and minorities as equal and they no longer condone spousal abuse or spanking children for wrongdoing. This was not always the case. In the 1950's sitcom, "I Love Lucy," the central character Lucy was seen putting makeup on her face to simulate a bruise. She did this so her husband wouldn't hit her after she made some kind of mistake with the dinner she was cooking. In that era, a plot line such as this was viewed as acceptable; but a similar plot would be loudly protested in modern times. Today's television viewer sees a much different woman in entertainment programs. Women are depicted as strong and independent characters and spousal abuse is never condoned. In this instance, popular culture responded to a change in American culture. Another example of this would be the changing role of blacks in the film industry. In movies made before the 1960s, black characters were rarely portrayed as anything more than porters, janitors, or factory workers. During the civil rights movement, however, we started to see a more representative depiction of African-Americans in culture. For example, Sidney Poitier in "To Sir with Love" was viewed as a major stride for racial equality in the film industry. And now, an African-American actor, Denzel Washington, is considered one of the most popular Hollywood stars. In both of these cases, popular culture reacted to a transitioning society and created a different product.

Yet, when dealing with food, popular culture has not responded to social change. As society now approaches the 21st century, food has become an increasingly volatile issue. In the United States, subjects like eating disorders, obesity, and unhealthy eating habits receive much attention from the media and the medical community. In fact, eating disorders and healthy eating habits are stressed in most high school health curriculums. Despite the importance of these emerging dysfunctions, movies still portray food and eating unrealistically. Attractive characters eat what they want, when they want, and their bodies remain healthy and strong. Characters in the popular sitcom "Friends" have eating habits that most doctors would consider ghastly, but the six actors are all extremely attractive, seemingly unaffected by their diets. These same habits would be extremely harmful to the average person and would be loudly opposed if put into words and advertised in the public; yet popular culture ignores this fact.

Food is held to a double standard in popular culture. Filmmakers who make violent movies claim to do so because society is violent and they have a responsibility to show the audience reality. The same argument is repeated for the use of profane language, sex, and low social standards. Yet even though eating disorders and the proliferation of junk food into the human diet are rampant in our society, no screen writer or moviemaker seems willing to show this reality. Perhaps it may seem like a trite detail that doesn't concern modern audiences or perhaps modern audiences want to see the attractive characters taking on the unattractive personal habits that the average American embraces. Either way, food and food alone is allowed special treatment in the eyes of the movie industry.

The image and importance of food is greatly distorted in popular culture. Though, movies and television have adapted to cultural change in the past, they seem to ignore changes in eating habits. Some argue that movies represent the society from which they emerge. If a society is crime-ridden, its movies will contain a great deal of violent content. If a society uses profane language, that same obscene vocabulary will be utilized on screen. These concepts, though disputed by many, are widely considered valid by numerous communication theorists. Yet, when it comes to simple a simple biological issue like eating, the movie industry blatantly ignores social reality. This theory holds true in nearly all forms of cultural expression.

The central idea of the passage can be summarized from which of the following lines of the passage? 

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THAT cannabis and schizophrenia are linked is widely accepted. Several studies suggest the drug can set off short-term psychotic episodes in those already suffering from the condition. Other research, though, does more than this. It shows that people with schizophrenia are twice as likely as others to use cannabis. This leads some to argue that the drug is actually a cause of schizophrenia rather than just a trigger-a line of evidence sometimes employed by those who wish to keep it illegal.

But there is another possible explanation for the association. This is that schizophrenics are, for some reason, more drawn to the stuff in the first place. And support for this idea has just been published in Molecular Psychiatry by Robert Power of King's College, London, and his colleagues. Their work suggests that people who have gene types associated with schizophrenia, even ones who do not have symptoms, are more likely to take cannabis.

Dr Power and his team drew their data from a study of twins in Australia which had asked relevant questions. The first part of their analysis did not depend on the participants being twins. They looked at 2,082 unrelated individuals aged between 23 and 39 who had been questioned by the study's organisers about their alcohol and illicit-drug use, who had no symptoms of schizophrenia and who had also given blood samples. Specifically, these volunteers had been asked whether they had ever used cannabis, how old they were when they first tried it and how many times in their life they had taken it. Dr Power and his team then analysed the blood samples for genetic markers associated with schizophrenia.

They learned from the interview data that 1,011 members of the sample had taken cannabis, that the average age at which they had started was 20 and that the average number of times they had taken it was 63. The blood analysis let them calculate, from the number of genetic markers each participant had, and the strength of the association each marker had with the development of schizophrenia, a value called the polygenetic-risk score. This ranged from a low of -0.3 to a high of +0.3, values which correspond to a 50% lower-than-average genetic risk of developing the condition and a 50% higher-than-average risk respectively.

From this part of the study the team found two things. One was a correlation between a participant's risk score and whether he or she had ever taken cannabis. The other was an association between the amount of someone's cannabis use and those genetic markers most associated with schizophrenia.

The researchers then conducted a second trawl of the data, this time looking specifically at 990 pairs of twins. In this, they found that when neither of a pair had ever used cannabis, which was true of 272 of them, their average genetic risk score was -0.18. When one twin had used the drug but the other had not, which was true for 273 pairs, the genetic-risk score for both averaged -0.02 (ie, almost the same as the general population). When both members of a pair had taken cannabis, which was true for 445 of them, their average score jumped to +0.12.

Together, these findings suggest that people born with a lot of the genetic variations that seem to predispose to schizophrenia are more likely to take cannabis than those born with few of them. The study's samples are small, so follow-up work will be needed to confirm this result. But if it is so confirmed, that will show the link between cannabis and schizophrenia to be a two-way street. It will not eliminate, as Dr Power is quick to point out, the possibility that taking cannabis increases someone's chances of becoming schizophrenic. But it will mean that those predisposed to the condition are indeed more drawn to the drug.

From the print edition: Science and technology

GEM, Cat %le - 97.13. Final Converts- MDI Gurgaon PGPM, NMIMS MBA Core, XLRI Global,all New IIMS PGPM
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For over 300 years, one of the most enduring beliefs among historians of England has been that the character of English society has been shaped by the unique openness of its ruling elite to entry by self-made entrepreneurs (especially newly wealthy merchants) able to buy their way into the ranks of elite society. This upward mobility, historians have argued, allowed England to escape the clash between those with social/political power and those with economic power, a conflict that beset the rest of Europe during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Upward mobility was also used to explain England's exceptional stability since the late seventeenth century (no revolutions, for example), as well as such major events as the development of the most efficient agricultural system in Europe, the making of the first industrial revolution, and the onset of severe economic decline. But is the thesis true? Recent work on the supposed consequences of an open elite has already produced some doubts. Little credence, for example, is now accorded the idea that England's late nineteenth-century economic decline resulted from absentee business owners too distracted by the demands of elite life to manage their firms properly. But, although the importance of an open elite to other major events has been severely questioned, it is only with a new work by Lawrence and Jeanne Stone that the openness itself has been confronted. Eschewing the tack of tracing the careers of successful entrepreneurs to gauge the openness of the elite, the Stones chose the alternative approach of analyzing the elite itself, and proceeded via the ingenious route of investigating country-house ownership. Arguing that ownership of a country house was seen as essential for membership in the ruling elite, the Stones analyze the nature of country-house ownership in three counties for the period 1540-1880. Their critical findings are provocative: there was strikingly little change in the ownership of such houses throughout the period. Instead, even in the face of a demographic crisis (fewer marriages, declining fertility, rising infant mortality), the old elite was able to maintain itself, and its estates, intact for centuries through recourse to various marriage and inheritance strategies. The popular picture of venerable elite families overcome by debt and selling out to merchants is simply not borne out by the Stones' findings. Rather, the opportunities for entrepreneurs to buy their way into the elite, the Stones show, were extremely limited. If further studies of country-house ownership attest to the representativeness and accuracy of their data, then the Stones' conclusion that the open elite thesis cannot be maintained may, indeed, prove true.

1. According to the passage, one of the traditional explanations of England's late nineteenth-century economic decline has been that it resulted from the

(A) tendency of the ruling elite to pursue conservative rather than innovative economic policies

(B) failure of business entrepreneurs to reduce the power of the ruling elite in English society

(C) investment of large amounts of capital in the purchase and maintenance of country houses

(D) tendency of business owners to attempt to retain control of their firms within their families

(E) failure of leading business entrepreneurs to pay close attention to their firms

2. The author suggests that which of the following was true of most European elites during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries?

(A) The ranks of these elites were generally closed to most business entrepreneurs.

(B) The elites generally dominated industrial development.

(C) Status within these elites was generally determined by the amount of land owned.

(D) These elites generally were able to maintain their power unchallenged.

(E) The power of these elites generally forestalled the development of a large class of self-made entrepreneurs.

3. Traditional historians of England, as they are described in the passage, would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements regarding open elites?

(A) They develop more easily in agricultural rather than industrial societies.

(B) They develop in response to particular sets of economic conditions.

(C) They tend to unite some of the powerful groups in a society.

(D) They tend to reduce class distinctions based on income in a society.

(E) They tend to insure adequate distribution of material goods in a society.

4. The tone of the passage suggests that the author regards the Stones' methodological approach as

(A) problematic (B) difficult (C) controversial (D) rigorous (E) clever

5. Which of the following best states the main idea of the passage? (A) Assumptions about the nature of England's ruling elite can no longer be used with certitude to explain many major economic developments.

(B) The concept of the open elite is of paramount importance in explaining major English political, social, and economic events.

(C) The long-standing belief that England possessed a remarkably open ruling elite has recently been subjected to important and potentially lethal criticism.

(D) Although many possibilities are available, the most reliable means of testing the truth of the 'open elite' hypothesis is to analyze changes in the composition of the elite.

(E) An analysis of English country-house ownership in England indicates that there were few opportunities for merchants to buy the estates of old members of the landed elite.

6. Which of the following can be inferred from the Stones' findings about English country-house ownership in the three counties during the period 1540-1880?

(A) Little change in the number or size of English country houses occurred during this period.

(B) Wealthy business owners constituted a growing percentage of English country-house owners during this period.

(C) Most of the families that owned country houses at the beginning of this period continued to own them at the end.

(D) The most significant changes in English country-house ownership occurred during the second half of this period.

(E) Self-made entrepreneurs were able to enter the ranks of the English country-house owners during this period only through marriage.

7. The primary purpose of the passage is to

(A) resolve a debate between two schools of thought. (B) Present research that questions an established view.

(C) Describe and criticize a new approach.

(D) Defend a traditional interpretation against recent criticisms.

(E) Analyze possible approaches to resolving a long-standing controversy.

8. The Stones suggest that major problems facing the English elite during the period 1540-1880 included which of the following?

(A) A reduction in the number of their offspring

(B) An increase in the amount of their indebtedness

(C) . A decline in their political and social power

(D) I only

(E) III only

9. The author suggests that the Stones' conclusions about the openness of the English elite would be strengthened by future studies that

(A) pay more attention to other recent historical works

(B) include more data on factors other than country-house ownership (C) concentrate more on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries

(D) expand the area of research to include more counties

(E) focus more on successful business entrepreneurs

A Team HRB production.



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For over 300 years, one of the most enduring beliefs among historians of England has been that the character of English society has been shaped by the unique openness of its ruling elite to entry by self-made entrepreneurs (especially newly wealthy merchants) able to buy their way into the ranks of elite society. This upward mobility, historians have argued, allowed England to escape the clash between those with social/political power and those with economic power, a conflict that beset the rest of Europe during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Upward mobility was also used to explain England's exceptional stability since the late seventeenth century (no revolutions, for example), as well as such major events as the development of the most efficient agricultural system in Europe, the making of the first industrial revolution, and the onset of severe economic decline. But is the thesis true? Recent work on the supposed consequences of an open elite has already produced some doubts. Little credence, for example, is now accorded the idea that England's late nineteenth-century economic decline resulted from absentee business owners too distracted by the demands of elite life to manage their firms properly. But, although the importance of an open elite to other major events has been severely questioned, it is only with a new work by Lawrence and Jeanne Stone that the openness itself has been confronted. Eschewing the tack of tracing the careers of successful entrepreneurs to gauge the openness of the elite, the Stones chose the alternative approach of analyzing the elite itself, and proceeded via the ingenious route of investigating country-house ownership. Arguing that ownership of a country house was seen as essential for membership in the ruling elite, the Stones analyze the nature of country-house ownership in three counties for the period 1540-1880. Their critical findings are provocative: there was strikingly little change in the ownership of such houses throughout the period. Instead, even in the face of a demographic crisis (fewer marriages, declining fertility, rising infant mortality), the old elite was able to maintain itself, and its estates, intact for centuries through recourse to various marriage and inheritance strategies. The popular picture of venerable elite families overcome by debt and selling out to merchants is simply not borne out by the Stones' findings. Rather, the opportunities for entrepreneurs to buy their way into the elite, the Stones show, were extremely limited. If further studies of country-house ownership attest to the representativeness and accuracy of their data, then the Stones' conclusion that the open elite thesis cannot be maintained may, indeed, prove true.

1. According to the passage, one of the traditional explanations of England's late nineteenth-century economic decline has been that it resulted from the

(A) tendency of the ruling elite to pursue conservative rather than innovative economic policies

(B) failure of business entrepreneurs to reduce the power of the ruling elite in English society

(C) investment of large amounts of capital in the purchase and maintenance of country houses

(D) tendency of business owners to attempt to retain control of their firms within their families

(E) failure of leading business entrepreneurs to pay close attention to their firms

2. The author suggests that which of the following was true of most European elites during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries?

(A) The ranks of these elites were generally closed to most business entrepreneurs.

(B) The elites generally dominated industrial development.

(C) Status within these elites was generally determined by the amount of land owned.

(D) These elites generally were able to maintain their power unchallenged.

(E) The power of these elites generally forestalled the development of a large class of self-made entrepreneurs.

3. Traditional historians of England, as they are described in the passage, would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements regarding open elites?

(A) They develop more easily in agricultural rather than industrial societies.

(B) They develop in response to particular sets of economic conditions.

(C) They tend to unite some of the powerful groups in a society.

(D) They tend to reduce class distinctions based on income in a society.

(E) They tend to insure adequate distribution of material goods in a society.

4. The tone of the passage suggests that the author regards the Stones' methodological approach as

(A) problematic (B) difficult (C) controversial (D) rigorous (E) clever

5. Which of the following best states the main idea of the passage? (A) Assumptions about the nature of England's ruling elite can no longer be used with certitude to explain many major economic developments.

(B) The concept of the open elite is of paramount importance in explaining major English political, social, and economic events.

(C) The long-standing belief that England possessed a remarkably open ruling elite has recently been subjected to important and potentially lethal criticism.

(D) Although many possibilities are available, the most reliable means of testing the truth of the 'open elite' hypothesis is to analyze changes in the composition of the elite.

(E) An analysis of English country-house ownership in England indicates that there were few opportunities for merchants to buy the estates of old members of the landed elite.

6. Which of the following can be inferred from the Stones' findings about English country-house ownership in the three counties during the period 1540-1880?

(A) Little change in the number or size of English country houses occurred during this period.

(B) Wealthy business owners constituted a growing percentage of English country-house owners during this period.

(C) Most of the families that owned country houses at the beginning of this period continued to own them at the end.

(D) The most significant changes in English country-house ownership occurred during the second half of this period.

(E) Self-made entrepreneurs were able to enter the ranks of the English country-house owners during this period only through marriage.

7. The primary purpose of the passage is to

(A) resolve a debate between two schools of thought. (B) Present research that questions an established view.

(C) Describe and criticize a new approach.

(D) Defend a traditional interpretation against recent criticisms.

(E) Analyze possible approaches to resolving a long-standing controversy.

8. The Stones suggest that major problems facing the English elite during the period 1540-1880 included which of the following?

(A) A reduction in the number of their offspring

(B) An increase in the amount of their indebtedness

(C) . A decline in their political and social power

(D) I only

(E) III only

9. The author suggests that the Stones' conclusions about the openness of the English elite would be strengthened by future studies that

(A) pay more attention to other recent historical works

(B) include more data on factors other than country-house ownership (C) concentrate more on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries

(D) expand the area of research to include more counties

(E) focus more on successful business entrepreneurs

A Team HRB production.



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For over 300 years, one of the most enduring beliefs among historians of England has been that the character of English society has been shaped by the unique openness of its ruling elite to entry by self-made entrepreneurs (especially newly wealthy merchants) able to buy their way into the ranks of elite society. This upward mobility, historians have argued, allowed England to escape the clash between those with social/political power and those with economic power, a conflict that beset the rest of Europe during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Upward mobility was also used to explain England's exceptional stability since the late seventeenth century (no revolutions, for example), as well as such major events as the development of the most efficient agricultural system in Europe, the making of the first industrial revolution, and the onset of severe economic decline. But is the thesis true? Recent work on the supposed consequences of an open elite has already produced some doubts. Little credence, for example, is now accorded the idea that England's late nineteenth-century economic decline resulted from absentee business owners too distracted by the demands of elite life to manage their firms properly. But, although the importance of an open elite to other major events has been severely questioned, it is only with a new work by Lawrence and Jeanne Stone that the openness itself has been confronted. Eschewing the tack of tracing the careers of successful entrepreneurs to gauge the openness of the elite, the Stones chose the alternative approach of analyzing the elite itself, and proceeded via the ingenious route of investigating country-house ownership. Arguing that ownership of a country house was seen as essential for membership in the ruling elite, the Stones analyze the nature of country-house ownership in three counties for the period 1540-1880. Their critical findings are provocative: there was strikingly little change in the ownership of such houses throughout the period. Instead, even in the face of a demographic crisis (fewer marriages, declining fertility, rising infant mortality), the old elite was able to maintain itself, and its estates, intact for centuries through recourse to various marriage and inheritance strategies. The popular picture of venerable elite families overcome by debt and selling out to merchants is simply not borne out by the Stones' findings. Rather, the opportunities for entrepreneurs to buy their way into the elite, the Stones show, were extremely limited. If further studies of country-house ownership attest to the representativeness and accuracy of their data, then the Stones' conclusion that the open elite thesis cannot be maintained may, indeed, prove true.

1. According to the passage, one of the traditional explanations of England's late nineteenth-century economic decline has been that it resulted from the

(A) tendency of the ruling elite to pursue conservative rather than innovative economic policies

(B) failure of business entrepreneurs to reduce the power of the ruling elite in English society

(C) investment of large amounts of capital in the purchase and maintenance of country houses

(D) tendency of business owners to attempt to retain control of their firms within their families

(E) failure of leading business entrepreneurs to pay close attention to their firms

2. The author suggests that which of the following was true of most European elites during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries?

(A) The ranks of these elites were generally closed to most business entrepreneurs.

(B) The elites generally dominated industrial development.

(C) Status within these elites was generally determined by the amount of land owned.

(D) These elites generally were able to maintain their power unchallenged.

(E) The power of these elites generally forestalled the development of a large class of self-made entrepreneurs.

3. Traditional historians of England, as they are described in the passage, would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements regarding open elites?

(A) They develop more easily in agricultural rather than industrial societies.

(B) They develop in response to particular sets of economic conditions.

(C) They tend to unite some of the powerful groups in a society.

(D) They tend to reduce class distinctions based on income in a society.

(E) They tend to insure adequate distribution of material goods in a society.

4. The tone of the passage suggests that the author regards the Stones' methodological approach as

(A) problematic (B) difficult (C) controversial (D) rigorous (E) clever

5. Which of the following best states the main idea of the passage? (A) Assumptions about the nature of England's ruling elite can no longer be used with certitude to explain many major economic developments.

(B) The concept of the open elite is of paramount importance in explaining major English political, social, and economic events.

(C) The long-standing belief that England possessed a remarkably open ruling elite has recently been subjected to important and potentially lethal criticism.

(D) Although many possibilities are available, the most reliable means of testing the truth of the 'open elite' hypothesis is to analyze changes in the composition of the elite.

(E) An analysis of English country-house ownership in England indicates that there were few opportunities for merchants to buy the estates of old members of the landed elite.

6. Which of the following can be inferred from the Stones' findings about English country-house ownership in the three counties during the period 1540-1880?

(A) Little change in the number or size of English country houses occurred during this period.

(B) Wealthy business owners constituted a growing percentage of English country-house owners during this period.

(C) Most of the families that owned country houses at the beginning of this period continued to own them at the end.

(D) The most significant changes in English country-house ownership occurred during the second half of this period.

(E) Self-made entrepreneurs were able to enter the ranks of the English country-house owners during this period only through marriage.

7. The primary purpose of the passage is to

(A) resolve a debate between two schools of thought. (B) Present research that questions an established view.

(C) Describe and criticize a new approach.

(D) Defend a traditional interpretation against recent criticisms.

(E) Analyze possible approaches to resolving a long-standing controversy.

8. The Stones suggest that major problems facing the English elite during the period 1540-1880 included which of the following?

(A) A reduction in the number of their offspring

(B) An increase in the amount of their indebtedness

(C) . A decline in their political and social power

(D) I only

(E) III only

9. The author suggests that the Stones' conclusions about the openness of the English elite would be strengthened by future studies that

(A) pay more attention to other recent historical works

(B) include more data on factors other than country-house ownership (C) concentrate more on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries

(D) expand the area of research to include more counties

(E) focus more on successful business entrepreneurs

A Team HRB production.



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