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There is no consensus among researchers regarding what qualifies a substance as a pheromone. While most agree on a basic definition of pheromones as chemicals released by one individual of a species which, when detected by another individual of the same species, elicit a specific behavioral or physiological response, some researchers also specify that the response to pheromones must be unconscious. In addition, the distinction between pheromones and odorants-chemicals that are consciously detected as odors-can be blurry, and some researchers classify pheromones as a type of odorant. Evidence that pheromone responses may not involve conscious odor perception comes from the finding that in many species, pheromones are processed by the vomeronasal (or accessory olfactory) system, which uses a special structure in the nose, the vomeronasal organ (VNO), to receive chemical signals. The neural connections between the VNO and the brain are separate from those of the main olfactory system, whose processing of odorants triggers sensations of smell. But while the VNO does process many animal pheromone signals, not all animal pheromones work through the VNO. Conversely, not all chemical signals transmitted via the VNO qualify as pheromones. For example, garter snakes detect a chemical signal from earthworms-one of their favorite foods-via the VNO, and they use this signal to track their prey.
According to the passage, the fact that pheromones are processed by the VNO in many animal species has been taken as evidence of which of the following?
(A)The accessory and main olfactory systems are not separate systems.
(B) Odorants and pheromones are not distinct types of chemicals.
(C) Odorants and pheromones both elicit a specific behavioral response.
(D) Pheromones do not trigger conscious sensations of smell.
(E) Pheromones aid animals in tracking prey
There is no consensus among researchers regarding what qualifies a substance as a pheromone. While most agree on a basic definition of pheromones as chemicals released by one individual of a species which, when detected by another individual of the same species, elicit a specific behavioral or physiological response, some researchers also specify that the response to pheromones must be unconscious. In addition, the distinction between pheromones and odorants—chemicals that are consciously detected as odors—can be blurry, and some researchers classify pheromones as a type of odorant. Evidence that pheromone responses may not involve conscious odor perception comes from the finding that in many species, pheromones are processed by the vomeronasal (or accessory olfactory) system, which uses a special structure in the nose, the vomeronasal organ (VNO), to receive chemical signals. The neural connections between the VNO and the brain are separate from those of the main olfactory system, whose processing of odorants triggers sensations of smell. But while the VNO does process many animal pheromone signals, not all animal pheromones work through the VNO. Conversely, not all chemical signals transmitted via the VNO qualify as pheromones. For example, garter snakes detect a chemical signal from earthworms—one of their favorite foods—via the VNO, and they use this signal to track their prey.
The primary purpose of the passage is to
(A) compare and contrast the ways in which the vomeronasal organ and the main olfactory system process chemicals
(B) summarize the debate over the role the vomeronasal organ plays in odor perception
(C) present some of the issues involved in the debate over what constitutes a pheromone
(D) propose a new definition of pheromones based on recent research
(E) argue that pheromones should be classified as a type of odorant
Planter-legislators of the post-Civil War southern United States enacted crop lien laws stipulating that those who advanced cash or supplies necessary to plant a crop would receive, as security, a claim, or lien, on the crop produced. In doing so, planters, most of whom were former slaveholders, sought access to credit from merchants and control over nominally free laborers--former slaves freed by the victory of the northern Union over the southern Confederacy in the United States Civil War. They hoped to reassure merchants that despite the emancipation of the slaves, planters would produce crops and pay debts. Planters planned to use their supply credit to control their workers, former slaves who were without money to rent land or buy supplies. Planters imagined continuation of the pre-Civil War economic hierarchy: merchants supplying landlords, landlords supplying laborers, and laborers producing crops from which their scant wages and planters' profits would come, allowing planters to repay advances. Lien laws frequently had unintended consequences, however, thwarting the planter fantasy of mastery without slavery. The newly freed workers, seeking to become self-employed tenant farmers rather than wage laborers, made direct arrangements with merchants for supplies. Lien laws, the centerpiece of a system designed to create a dependent labor force, became the means for workers, with alternative means of supply advances, to escape that dependence.
1. Which of the following best expresses the central idea of the passage?
A. Planters in the post-Civil War southern United States sought to reinstate the institution of slavery.
B. Through their decisions regarding supply credit, merchants controlled post-Civil War agriculture.
C. Lien laws helped to defeat the purpose for which they were originally created.
D. Although slavery had ended, the economic hierarchy changed little in the post-Civil War southern United States.
E. Newly freed workers enacted lien laws to hasten the downfall of the plantation economy.
2. According to the passage, each of the following was a reason planters supported crop lien laws EXCEPT:
A. Planters believed that lien laws would allow them to expand their landholdings.
B. Planters expected that lien laws would give them control over former slaves.
C. Planters anticipated that lien laws would help them retain access to merchant credit.
D. Planters intended to use lien laws to create a dependent labor force.
E. Planters saw lien laws as a way to maintain their traditional economic status.
3. The passage suggests which of the following about merchants in the post-Civil War southern United States?
A. They sought to preserve pre-Civil War social conditions.
B. Their numbers in the legislatures had been diminished.
C. Their businesses had suffered from a loss of collateral.
D. They were willing to make business arrangements with former slaves.
E. Their profits had declined because planters defaulted on debts for supply advances.
Puys.. I find the Philosophical RCs very tough.... I take much time in reading them and still commit mistake in the followup questions.... how to overcome this weakness??
Some observers have attributed the dramatic growth in temporary employment that occurred in the United States during the 1980s to increased participation in the workforce by certain groups, such as first-time or reentering workers, who supposedly prefer such arrangements. However, statistical analyses reveal that demographic changes in the workforce did not correlate with variations in the total number of temporary workers. Instead, these analyses suggest that factors affecting employers account for the rise in temporary employment. One factor is product demand: temporary employment is favored by employers who are adapting to fluctuating demand for products while at the same time seeking to reduce overall labor costs. Another factor is labor’s reduced bargaining strength, which allows employers more control over the terms of employment. Given the analyses, which reveal that growth in temporary employment now far exceeds the level explainable by recent workforce entry rates of groups said to prefer temporary jobs, firms should be discouraged from creating excessive numbers of temporary positions. Government policymakers should consider mandating benefit coverage for temporary employees, promoting pay equity between temporary and permanent workers, assisting labor unions in organizing temporary workers, and encouraging firms to assign temporary jobs primarily to employees who explicitly indicate that preference.
In the context of the passage, the word “excessive” (line 23) most closely corresponds to which of the following phrases?
In the seventeenth-century Florentine textile industry, women were employed primarily in low- paying, low-skill jobs. To explain this segregation of labor by gender, economists have relied on the useful theory of human capital. According to this theory, investment in human capital—the acquisition of difficult job-related skills—generally benefits individuals by making them eligible to engage in well-paid occupations. Women’s role as child bearers, however, results in interruptions in their participation in the job market (as compared with men’s) and thus reduces their opportunities to acquire training for highly skilled work. In addition, the human capital theory explains why there was a high concentration of women workers in certain low-skill jobs, such as weaving, but not in others, such as combing or carding, by positing that because of their primary responsibility in child rearing women took occupations that could be carried out in the home. There were, however, differences in pay scale that cannot be explained by the human capital theory. For example, male construction workers were paid significantly higher wages than female taffeta weavers. The wage difference between these two low-skill occupations stems from the segregation of labor by gender: because a limited number of occupations were open to women, there was a large supply of workers in their fields, and this “overcrowding” resulted in women receiving lower wages and men receiving higher wages
The author of the passage would be most likely to describe the explanation provided by the human capital theory for the high concentration of women in certain occupations in the seventeenth-century Florentine textile industry as
In 1988 services moved ahead of manufacturing as the main product of the United States economy. But what is meant by “services”? Some economists define a service as something that is produced and consumed simultaneously, for example, a haircut. The broader, classical definition is that a service is an intangible something that cannot be touched or stored. Yet electric utilities can store energy, and computer programmers save information electronically. Thus, the classical definition is hard to sustain.
The United States government’s definition is
more practical: services are the residual category
that includes everything that is not agriculture or industry. Under this definition, services includes
activities as diverse as engineering and driving a
bus. However, besides lacking a strong conceptual
framework, this definition fails to recognize the
distinction between service industries and service occupations. It categorizes workers based on their
company’s final product rather than on the actual
work the employees perform. Thus, the many
service workers employed by manufacturers—
bookkeepers or janitors, for example—would fall under the industrial rather than the services
category. Such ambiguities reveal the arbitrariness
of this definition and suggest that, although
practical for government purposes, it does not
accurately reflect the composition of the current United States Economy
The author refers to “service workers employed by manufacturers” (line 23) primarily in order to point out
According to the passage, scholars of women's history should refrain from doing which of the following
[Same passage Refer the previous question]
The author of the passage would be most likely to make which of the following recommendations to scholars of women's history
Current feminist theory, in validating women's own stories of their experience, has encouraged scholars of women's history to view the use of women's oral narratives as the methodology, next to the use of women's written autobiography, that brings historians closest to the "reality" of women's lives. Such narratives, unlike most standard histories, represent experience from the perspective of women, affirm the importance of women's contributions, and furnish present-day women with historical continuity that is essential to their identity, individually and collectively.
Scholars of women's history should, however, be as cautious about accepting oral narratives at face value as they already are about written memories.Oral narratives are no more likely than are written narratives to provide a disinterested commentary on events or people. Moreover, the stories people tell to explain themselves are shaped by narrative devices and storytelling conventions, as well as by other cultural and historical factors, in ways that the storytellers may be unaware of. The political rhetoric of a particular era, for example, may influence women's interpretations of the significance of their experience. Thus a woman who views the Second World War as pivotal in increasing the social acceptance of women's paid work outside the home may reach that conclusion partly and unwittingly because of wartime rhetoric encouraging a positive view of women's participation in such work.
According to the passage, which of the following shapes the oral narratives of women storytellers?
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